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(Volume 14201) 

1 (1) 
11 June 1735 

11 June 1735 Talk taken in Writing this Eleventh day of June, One Thousand Seven 
hundred and Thirty five at Savannah in Georgia from the mouths of 
Chekelli Mico or King & Chief of the upper and lover Creeks & Antioche 
head Warriour from the Cowetaw town. Eliche Mico, or King Ousta head 
Warriour from the Cussitsws. Tomechaw War King; Wali War Captain 
from the Pallachucolas. Poepicke Mico or King. Tomohuichi dog King 
from the Echitaws. Mittakawye head Warriour from the Okonees. 
Taweliche Mico or King Whoyanni head Warriour from the Chehaws, & are 
joyn'd by the Hokmulge people Shinelacowecke Mico or King from the 
Osoche. Opithli Mico or King from the Sawocolos. Ewenauki Mico or 
King Tahmokmi War Captain from the Eupaulees and thirty nine other 
Warriours & young men. 

In the Presence of Thomas Causton, and Henry Parker Bailiffs, 
Thomas Christie Recorder, John Vat Comiseary to the Saltzburgere, and 
Sundry Gentlemen and Freeholders of the Said town and Province of 
Georgia. (2) 

That towards the Sun setting the Ground opens, wch. is the 
Mouth of the Ground, That he Ground open'd, and the # Cussetaws came 

signifies Sun 

the Sun would out of the Mouth of Ground, and Settled thereby, but the Ground was 

have them 

call'd so. angry end eat up their Children, and they went further towards the 

Setting of the Sun, nevertheless this part of the Cussetaws turn'd 

/By Acct. of back again end came to the same place (/ leaving the greater Body 
French Indians 

there is a behind) thinking it might be best so to do, and Settled again by the 
great town 

there wth. Mouth of the Ground; That their Children were Still eat up by the * 
black lips, if 
any go to kill 
them they turn 
mad. 

 2 (2) 

Xor Wahalle, 
wch.Signifies 
going down 
or South. 

Earth, & then they vent away in Anger towards the Sun rising, That they 
came to a thick Muddy River, where they Camp'd,rested, and slept one 
Night, That next Day they began again to travel, and came in one day to 
a red bloody River, tk That they liv'd by th^t River, and eat of ye 
Fish two Years, but it was a low Springy pluce and they did not like to 
abide there, That they went to ye End of that Bloody River and heard a 
Thundering noise, they went forward to see where the noise came from, 
and they first Saw a red emoak, and soon after a Hill wch. thunder'd 
and a Singing noise was upon the Hill, and they Sent to See what it 
was, and it wes a great Fire (3) that burnt right upwards and made that 
singing noise, they call'd ye Hill the King of Hills, it thunders to 
this dny, and they fear it much, That they met with ye People of three 
different nations. They took of ye Fire from the Hill and saved it. 
And at that place ye knowledge of Herbs and many other things came to 
them Thpt Fire came to them from the Sun rising wch. was white, and 
they did not like to use it. Also from the X South wan. was Blew, 
neither did they use that. Also from the Sun Setting which was bl9.ck, 
neither did they use that, And also from ye North which was red & 
yellow, this they mix'd with ye Fire they took from the Hill wch. they 
use to this day, and it some times sings. That at the Hill there was 
a S3x Stick wch. was very uneasy and made a noise, and they could not 
tell how to Pacific it, that they took a motherlesse Child and push'd 
at it, the Stick kill'd the Child, therefore they took the Stock and 
carry it with them when they go to War, and the Stick wss like the 
wooden Tomihawk which they use to this Day and of the Same Sort of Wood; 
Here they also found out four Sorts of Herbs or Roots vch. Sung and 

 3 (3) 

discover'd (4) their virtues. 1st. Passaw i.e. Rattle Snake Root; 2d. 
Mice Weanechau, i.e. out does the king, commonly call'd Red Root; 3^-* 
Sowatchko, grows like wild Fennel; 4th. Eschela pootchke, i.e. pmpll 
Tob&cco. They also use them at their Bask to purifie themselves, they 

being the Chief of their Physick especially the 1st and 3d Sorts. 

at 
That/the Bask, wch. is Yearly they fast and make offerings of their 

first Fruits; That Since they knew the virtue of Herbs, the Women make 
Fire by themselves and learned thereby to be separate at certain times 
from the Men. Five, Six or Seven days for purification, for if they 
were not to do so, it would Spoil the virtue of their Physick, and the 
women would not be heslthy. That a dispute srose which vas the 
eldest, and who should have the Rule, and they agreed that being four 
Sorts of people they should set up four Sticks and make them red with 
Clcy, (which w&s originally Yellow, but by burning it became red) and 
all go to War to try which of them could first cover each his Stick 
from the Root upwards with Scalps of Enemies and he that So did Should 
be the Eldest. (3) That they all endesvour'd so to do but the 
Cussetawg cover'd the tope of their Stick first with Scalps, so that it 
could not be seen. Therefore they were declared & are allow'd by the 
whole nation, to be the Eldest. The Chickasaws cover'd next; the 
Alibpmas next, but the Obekaws could not raise their heap of Scalps, 
higher than the Knee; That about this time there was a Bird of a very 
large Size, Blewish Colour*d, had a long tail and was Swifter than an 
Eagle, which came, kill'd & eat their people every day. They mane the 
figure of a woman and set it in the way of the Bird, and the Bird took 
it away with him and kept it a long time but brought it back again, when 

 4 (3) 

it came back they let it alone expecting it would bring forth some 
thing and in length of time it brought forth a Red Eat, & they beleived 
that the Bird was the Father of the red Rat; that they consulted with 
the Rat how they might destroy his Father, that the Bird had Bows & 
Arrows and the Rat eat his Bow Strings So that the Bird could not 
defend himself, which the Rat told them of, & that they might go & kill 
him, (6) which they did. They p caJLl'd this Bird the King of Birds; 
they allow the Eagle to be a great King, and always carry the Feathers 
of his tail when they go to war or peace, being red for war & white for 
peace, and if sn Enemy comes with white Feathers & a. white mouth & 
makes a. noise like an% Eagle they csjmot kill him: That they then left 
that place & travel'd further till they found a white Path, the grass & 
all things they saw were white, that they found people had been there 
before, that they cross'd the Path, and went to Sleep, after wch. they 
consulted and returned to see what Path it was, and what people had 
been there, beleiving it might be for their Good to follow it, & taey 

/ Coloosa Hutch went that Path till they came to a Creek call'd / Colossa Butche 
or Coloosa 
Creek because it was Smoaky & rocky that they went over it towards the Sun 

K Coosaws rising, & came to a People call'd X Coosaws, that they staid with the 
ye Body of 
ye Tow. Coosaws four Years. The Coosaws complain'd they haA a Creature that ept 

them up which they call'd Man-eater or lyon that liv'd in the Rock. The 
Cussetaws Said they would try if they could kill it for them, & they 

^ made of ye made a # net, dug a Trench & put ye Net over it, and made several (7) 
Bark of 
Hickorey Tree Creeks & places to stop the lyon from pursuing them, & went to ye place 

where the Lyon liv*d & throw'd a Rattle in where he lay, that the Lyon 
came out & follow'd them through all the Creeks & Places they had made 

 3 (7) 

with great fury, so they agreed 'twas better one should die than all, 
therefore when they came near the Trench they took a Motherlesse Child 
& throw*d it into the Lyon's way, the Lyon running eagerly to devour 
the Child tumbled into the Pit or Trench, and then they drew the net 

over him and kill'd him wth. burning Chungues, but preserv'd his Bones, 

them 
wch. they keep to this dsy, and one Side of/him is red & ye other Si&e 

of them is blew. That every Seven d^ys he us'd to come & kill people, 
therefore having kill'd him they tsrried Seven days there, and in 
Remembrance thereof they t?ke Physick & fast Six days, & ye Seventh 
dpy they go out to War, and if they carry the %mes of ye lyon with them 
they are fortunete therein: That they left the Coossws at the Expira 
tion of four Years as above & went to a River they call'd Rowphawpe, 
now call'd Callasie Hutche, there they Staid two Years & had no grain to 
plant, all this while they liv'd upon Roots & Fish, & (8) ma,de Bows & 
pointed their jbudodbcmnat Arrows, Bepver teeth & Flints, they also split 
Canes which they us'd instead of Kma Knives. That they quitted that 
place & came to a Creek call'd Wattoolahawkaw Butche from the hooping 
of Cranes, or Crane hooping Creek, on Account of the vast quantity of 
Crpnes found there, they Slept there one night, that they came to a 
River where was a fall of Water, and they call'd it Owahenka River, That 

or Striping next day they came to another River which the call'd X Aphoosapheeskaw, 
String Creek 

That next day they went over and came near a high hill snd found there 

were some people there, and they hoped it was the people that had made 
the white Path, therefore they made white Arrows & shot to see if they 
were good people, but the people took the white off and made them red, 
and shot them back again, they then took up the red Arrows and carried 

 6 (8) 

them to their King, and the King told them it was not for good; If the 
Arrows had returned white they should have gone and got provisions for 
their Young ones, "but being red they should not go, however some of 
them went to See what people they were, and found they had all quitted 
their Houses (9) They Saw a Trpckt which lead into the River, and they 
believed they went into the River, & did not get out for they went to ye 
other side of the River & could find no Trackt, that there is a Hill 
they call*d Moterel, which makes a noise like the beating of a drum, & 
they fancy they live there; That whenever they go to war this noise is 
heard, That they went along the River till they came to another fall of 
water where they saw great Rocks and Boughs laid on the Rocks, and they 
believed the people who made the white Path had been there, That in all 
their Travels they have two Runners who go before the Body of the People, 
That they Saw a High Hill, and the Runners went upon it & look'd about 
and saw a Town, That they Shot two white Arrows into the town, but the 
People of the town shot red Arrows back again, That the Cussetaws were 
angry with the people & agreed to fall upon their town, and if they took 
it,every one was to hpve a house, that they throw*d Stones into the 
River, till it was So Shallow that they could walk over wch. they did, 
(10) (th.e People were flat heeded) & they took the Town, when they had 
So done they kill'd all but two whose Trackt they follow'd, & overtook 
a white dog which they kill'd and pursue'd the two people till they came 
into the white Path again, and they Saw a Smoak where was a Town, & 
now again believed they had found the people they had So long trsvell'd 
to See. It is the place the present Pallachucolla people dwell in, & 
from whom Tomo Chachi is descended, That the Cussetaws were always 

 7 (10) 

bloody minded, but the Pallachucolla people made them back 

drink as a token of Friendship, and told them their Hearts were white, 
and they must have white Hearts, and lay down their bloody Tomihawks, 
and give their bodies in token that they should be white, That they 
Strove for the Tomihawk, but the Pallachucolla people by fair persuasions 
gain'd it from them and Carried it under their Cabin; The Pallachucolla 
people told them their Captin Should be all one with their people, and 
gave them white Feathers, That ever Since they have liv'd together and 
shall always live together, pjid bear it in remembrance. (11) That 
some went on one Side of the River, and some on the other Side; the one 
Side all Called Cussetaws, and the other Cowetaws, but they are one 
people and allow* d to be the head towns of the upper & lower Creeks: 
Nevertheless because they first saw red smoak & red Fire & made bloody 
Towns they can not leave their red Hearts, which the* they are white 
on the one Side, are Red on the other: That they still find the white 
Path was for their good, for altho* Tomo Chachi has been as a Stranger, 
and not lived in their towns, amongst them, yet they See th?t in his 
old Age, he has done himself & them good because he went with Esqr. 
Oglethorpe to See the great King and hear his great Talk, and has 
brought it to them, and they have heard it, & believe it, for which 
reason they look upon him as the father and Senauki the Mother of them 
all, and are all resolved that when he shall be dead to look upon 

at wch. they Tooanehawi his nephew as the Chief ruler of them all / in his Steed, and 

gave a gen 

eral Shout of hope he will be a greet man, and do good for himself & them, that their 

Approbation 

Byes had been Shut, but were now (12) more open, and they believe the 

coming of the English to this place is for -Hrnr-rn- good to them and their 

 8 (12) 

Children, and will always have Straight hearts towards them, and hope 
the' they were naked & helplesse they shall have more good things done 
for them. 

Chekilly snid, I em of the Eldest town and was chosen to rule 
after the death of the Emperor Bream, I have a strong month & will 
declare this resolution to the rest of the nations, and mpke them 
comply therewith; we are glad the Squire carried some of our people to 
See the great King & his nation, that I am never tired of hearing what 
Tomo Chachi tells me about it, that all my people return their great 
Thanks to all the Trustees for so great favour, and will always do our 
outmost Endeavour to Serve them and all the great King's people 
whenever there shall be occasion. I am glad I have been down & seen 
things as they are, we shall go home and tell the Children and all the 
Nation the great Talk which Tomo Chachi has had with the great King, 
snd bear in remembrance (13) the Place where they now have mot., and 
call it Georgea: I am Sensible that th&re is one who has made us all 
end tho* some have more knowledge than others, the great & strong must 
become dirt alike. 

 9 (17) 

Copy of a Letter from Col. Fenwicke to Cgpt. Macksy dated at Charles 
Town 12th June 1735. 

Sir/ 

In the Governor*s Absence from Town it is now represented to me 
(by way of Complaint) that You have forced out of the Creek Nation 
several Indian Traders (that were Licenced and had entered into Bonds 
to this Government agreable to our Law) wth. Orders not to return there 
any more, alledging for Reason that some Traders had entered into Bonds 
obliging themselves to buy their Goods at & carry their Skins to Georgia 
without having any regard to the Government of this Province, end that 
as some of the Traders had already entered into such Bonds You was 
resolved that none but such should trade in that Nation. 

I should indeed be exceedingly Surprized at those Proceedings if 
they were really proved to be true in fact as represented to me, but 
there being as yet no regular Complaint made nor other Account I believe 
come to Town than wh--t is by Letter or at second Hand, I can't tell how 
to give Credit to the Reasons assigned for your discharging some Traders 
from the Nation; however as I expect this Letter will meet with Col. 
Bull before he sets out from hone, I take the opportunity to inform You 
of this matter already so much tplk'd of here, and is what I am well 
persuaded will be so fsr regarded and enquired into by the Government 
that there will be nothing wanting that lies in their Power to Support 
the King's Subjects in thie Province in a (18) free Trade among their 
Indians as usual; therefore as it is expected there will be a regular 
Coinplaint ma.de by the Merchants or Traders when they come down, I 
should be gl?d to know from You if any Grounds for a Report of this 

 10 (18) 

kind, or if You have a.ny Objection to make against any of those 
Traders. 

I should be very sorry if any Difference should arise on any 
Account between the two Colonies not imagining it was possible that any 
could happen so soon on this Head, by what Mr. Oglethorpe told me and 
by what I apprehended he concluded upon, vizt. That no licenced Trader 
from this Government conforming to our Law for regulating the Indian 
Trade should be interrupted by any officer belonging to Georgia, but at 
the same time he thought it adviseable that we should not send a greater 
Number than we had done. 

I am glad to hear of the Success You have had in getting the 
Indians Consent to Erect a Fort. 

A Line or two in answer to this will oblige 

Yours &c. 

(21) Copy of a Letter from Mr. Thos. Gapen to the Trustees dated at 
Savannah 13th June 1735. 

Rt. Honble. and Honble. Gentlemen 

It being a Current Report th^t some worthy Gentleman from Your 
Honours wou'd quickly arrive here made me wait with Patience from com 
plaining of the hard Usage I have laboured under since the Departure of 
the Honble. Mr. Oglethorpe. I most humbly beg to assure your Honours 
that I here Ipy before You my true Case, that Justice may take place and 
Liberty and Property be supported which are the valuable Enjoyments of 
an Englishman; And I was in hopes of being possessed of them here, 

 11 (21) 

which I do not in the least doubt when your Honours are truly informed 
of the Proceedings which the Bearer of this Mr. West has been en Eye 
Witness of. 
Gentlemen 

At my Arrival here the 29th of August 1733 I landed in good 
health and took my Orders with the rest of the People to go to Work 
which I did very cheerfully, after working as his Honour Mr. Oglethorpe 
was pleased to employ me I went to Sawing being resolved to build me an 
House as soon as possible. In the mean time there wanted a Butcher in 
the Colony very much, hie Honour was pleased to appoint me as such and 
agreed with Capt. James Mackpherson to furnish the Colony with 50 
Steers; and for giving Encouragement to me to go on in the Business, 
made Articles of Agreement for each Party; And as I performed my part 
faithfully & with Justice in killing the Steers, was in grept hopes the 
Articles on the other part would have been so too. This being the first 
Occasion of my Complaint I humbly beg to relate it. 

The first Drove of 25 Steers came the 21st of May last to Mr. 
Musgrove's Cow pen and no farther which is upwards of 10 miles by La.nd 
and 6 i%: by (22) Water and was there left; I being unprovided with a 
Boat and People to go with me, insisted on the Beasts being brought 
nearer the Town according to Agreement; and the hot Weather being great 
the Meat would be delivered the fresher which I was desirous of doing, 
and it would be a means of amending the Health of the Colony which at 
that time was veiy sickly; And as the Capt. agreed to fence in two 
thirds of my 45 Acre Lot for a Pasture I should have been ready two 
months ago to have planted the whole Lot but I never yet have had the 

 12 (22) 

Pleasure of knowing where it lies. I have coiapleatly fenced, and 
planted my 5 Acre Lot which Your Honours shall see in its place. But 
Sirs no Argument could persuade Mr. Causton to order the Steers to be 
"brought as agreed for, but I was threaten'd and compelled to hire a Boat 
and Men at my own Charge and kill then at the Cowpen some Distance out 
in the Woods and bring the Quarters on my Back to the Water Side; end 
if any Misfortune had happened so as to lose my Tide, the Meat must 
entirely have perished and Your Honours as well as my self would have 
been great Sufferers, by reason his Honour Mr. Oglethorpe had advanced 
the Money so that the Cattle became entirely your Honours at the 
Delivery; I never took the leaving of the Steers at Mr. Musgrove's as 
such, but Mr. Causton did. The Range at the Cowpen being so large that 
it was impossible to keep the Steers together, some run back to Caro 
lina and we never could get them, 2 were kill*d by the Strsgling In 
dians and sometimes we had them missing for a month that the Town 
suffered very much for the want of fresh Meat. In the mesjn time Mr. 
Hugh Bryan drove 3! Steers into the Town and found it no great (23) 
Difficulty to bring them as was objected by Capt. Mackpherson, and two 
other Planters hpve proposed doing the like. From the 24th of May to 
the 10th of July I work'd in killing three or four Steers a Week as 
ordered from the Store House but rec'd. no Money for my Labour; When I 
came to desire Mr. Causton to Settle my Accot. he refused doing of it, 
nor no Money he would let me have to carry on my Business. I desired 
Mr. Noble Jones and Mr. John Coates to go with me to see my Accot. 
Settled and there was due to me by Balance it 48:16:6-3/4 Curcy. but I 
got nothing but the Content of Balancing. 

 13 (23) 

It was his Honour Mr. Oglethorpe*s Pleasure to order me in my 
Agreement the Price of 2 Steers Advance to buy small Stock for a Market 
but I never could prevail on Mr. Causton to comply wth. his Honour's 
Intention, and when I have had L 150 Curcy. due to me have lost the 
providing my eelf with Hogs, Sheep and other Stock which have been 
brought here to Sell for want of that Money which he would not part with 
out of his hands. It is Gentlemen a Surprizing thing to See him con 
tinually buying Numbers of Servants & Cattle for his own Use with the 
Money that Your Honours entrust him with to pay poor Workmen; he at 
this time has 8 besides the Man Your Honours sent him and above Cows 
and Calves which he claims for his own, whilst several that arrived 
here as well as my self in Capt. Daubuz have not had one nor don't know 
when we shall. 

Your Honours were pleased to assure me at Your office that we 
all should have equal Lots in drpwing for Cattle and our Lends; Whilst 
Mr. Oglethorpe was here we had it so, but since it all goes by favour; 
and as we have been 2 Years without seeing our 45 Acres Lots we may be 
as much more unless Your Honours please to order (24) it otherwise. I 
have made several Applications to Mr. Jones and Kr. Causton to have my 
Lot run out, and abundance have done the same but to no purpose; so I 
hope Your Honours will please to excuse me in applying to the Honourable 
Board of Trustees. 

Gentlemen, You may be assured that not a Town in America can 
produce a more willing and stedfast People both to Serve the King and 
Colony than here is among us, ready and willing to run upon all Alarms 
for the Good ?nd Safety of the Colony. Your Complainant ever since his 

 14 (24) 

Arrival his always appeared one of the first and hopes if Occasion 
should happen will behave as a Soldier in Defence of the Colony. I 
carried the first Colours which belong to your Honours before the 
Indians, & hope Gentlemen You will plea.se to give me Leave to maintain 
them; I humbly hope Your Honours will please to excuse me in mentioning 
it, but as a Difference has been wherein I may be represented to Your 
Honours in a different manner pud my Conduct blasted by a false Repre 
sentation of the Fact; The Town appearing under Arms on Sunday the 8th 
of this InstaRt I was appointed by the Magistrates and Commanding 
Officers some dpys before to bear the Colours and appepred that day with 
them in my place, the whole Battallion being drawn up in Johnson's 
Square to muster. The next day being Monday the $th Instant the 
Battallion being drawn up to receive the Creek Indians Mr. Fitzwalter 
was likewise appointed that day to bear the other, and although he was 
the younger Officer claim'd the Senior Post which I was resolved to 
maintain, and to end the Dispute at that time we agreed to meet the next 
morning and try it by Point of Sword; Mr. Fitzwalter did not think 
proper to face me (25) being willing to Sleep in a whole Skin, therefore 
I posted him for a Coward at the Standard Post in the Square. This, 
Gentlemen, is the whole Truth of the Affair as Capt. Thomson and Mr. 
West were Eye Witness of, and I most humbly beg Pardon of the Honourable 
Trustees for breaking through any Law which they have appointed relating 
to Duels and hope they will please to forgive my Rashness, and Your 
Honours shall always hear of my great Duty and Regard to Your Orders for 
the Welfare and Security of the Colony. I humbly hope Sirs that I 
shall not Suffer in my private Affairs if I should be called any Distance 

 15 (23) 

from the Town as I did in July last when we had an Alarm of some 
Spaniards and Yamasee Indians being landed on the Island of Skidoway; 
Upon that News I and several other Freeholders of Savann&h offered to go 
to assist Mr. Johnson Dalmar if Occasion should require, but not 
meeting with them there we went as far as the Alstamaha my self taking 
the Charge of 10 men in the Skidoway Boat; but notwithstanding all our 
Endeavours to come up with them and learn the Occasion of their coming 
so near us, we never could come up with them being out 13 days; a 
Journal of our Voyage with an Account of several Journeys that I have 
made through Lgn& aM. the Difference of the Soil and Trees growing 
thereon I am preparing to send to Your Honours as soon as possible my 
spare Baas: Hours from Working will permit me to finish. 

At my Return from the Alatamaha I had the misfortune to hear that 
several Hogs that were in my Keeping belonging to the Trustees and 8 of 
my own which I had left under the Care of my Servant had broke out of the 
Pen and gone (26) into the Swamps, and notwithstanding all my Endeavours 
in hunting after them I never could recover them. Mr. Cauaton has made 
a Debt of Charge to me for them which belonged to Your Honours and has 
kept upwards of & 60 Curcy. in his hands to pay for them; I petitioned 
the Court when Mr. Gordon was on the Bench but never yet have had any 
Relief, so humbly hope that Your Honours will plesse to take my Case 
into Consideration. The paying for them and Los? of my own has quite 
ruined me. And I beg Leave to mention the Liberty given to Servants and 
others who h^ve no Lots to Trade in the Town is of gre?t prejudice to us 
th^t run the Hazard of Crediting and daily give our Attendance for the 
Security of the Town. 

 16 (26) 

Gentlemen, I was in hopes never to have troubled the Honourable 
Board with any Complaint, my whole Study being to labour and work for 
the forwarding of the Town and Colony; I am at present clearing ell the 
Town & Common of the thick Underwood and Shnibs which by their growing 
might conceal some hundreds of Men and is a great Harbour for Snakes & 
other Vermin. I have lately finished a large Cowpen 8 feet high and 
sunk a Pond in it, t.he whole contains upwards of 60 Acres within half a 
mile of the Town in Order to put in the Cattle when they are brought up 
out of the Woods, and to mark the Cows and Calves belonging to your 
Honours. I was promised the Benefit of the said Pasture by Mr. Causton 
and hope he has mention'd it to the Honourable Board of Trustees; I am 
at a very greet Loss for Pasture Ground near the Town to turn in fst 
Cattle when they are brought from Carolina, to keep while they are 
wanted to be kill*d for the Town; I most humbly beg of your (2?) Honours 
to gr^nt me a piece of Land in Lease or as the Honourpble Board, shall in 
their great Wisdom think proper, the Pine Barren & large Swamps adjoin 
ing being very unfit for the Purpose. On Argyle Island and the adjacent 
Land the Cattle will daily improve both in Goodness and the Meat be 
much the Sweeter, there being, naturally fine Grass and a good Honey 
Suckle Bottom, with Plenty of fresh Water in Ponds. If Your Honours 
would plesse to fix a Cowpen there the Colony in 3 Yeprs time might have 
a continual Supply without the Assistance of Carolina, and Hogs might be 
bred in great Numbers and at a small Charge, the Land bearing mostly Oak 
and Hickery (Trees with abundance of Chinkampen Trees whose Nuts are 
the most delightfull Food that the Hogs will feed on in the Woods, and 
grow fat thereon. I shpll always think my self in Duty bound to pray for 

 1? (27) 

your Honours in establishing me here and could, think my self a very 
happy Man if my Wife would, venture over to Geirgia. which Place I think 
never to forsake, I enjoying a very good State of Health. 

I humbly hope a.s I have "been in the Place ps Butcher to the 
Honourable Trustees almost two Years, that by my meriting Your Honours 
favour I may continue as such by order from the Honble. Board; And if 
Your Honours would please to send me 2 Sturdy Men Servants end a Mpid 
Servant thst can go through Country Business I will pay for them as 
Your Honours pleese to Order, end my Improvement on my Land shell be 
beyond Expectation in a short time. All which I most humbly Submit to 
your Honours, and throwing my self on the Honble. Trustees Protection 
beg Leave to Subscribe my self 

Your Honours Most Obedient humble 
Servant to Command 

(29) Copy of a Letter from Mrs. Elizabeth Blsnd to Mr. Oglethorpe dpted 
at Savannah l4th June 1735. 

Good Sir 

After a ten Weeks disagreable Voyage in s. very bad Ship end rude 
Commander wanting every thing in this Life we arrived at Charles Town, 
from whence the Passengers that would go were conveyed in a Pettiaugua 
to Georgia but I and some ofhers remained at Charles Town being very ill 
for meer want because we had not eat nor drank any thing but Biscuit and 
Water for 7 Weeks and 3 Days before I landed I not being able to lay in 

 18 (29) 

fresh Provisions end my Stomach could not tear the Ships ^revisions, 
and the little Liquor Mr. Spooner laid in we was robb'd of by the 
Sailors so that when we came out to Sea we had nothing but Water to 
drink, & the barbarous Compa-ny and Capt. thpt was in the Cabbin took all 
occasions to pick Quarrels with us & by that means to avoid assisting us, 
which they thought they must do if we remain'd ell friends. The little 
Goods I brought as well as all the Passengers were quite Spoil'd by 
reason of the badness of the Vessel which wps but one Deck and indeed so 
small that it seem'd Presumption to take such a Voyage in her; At 
Carolina. I heard so terrible a. Character of Georgia that I resolved 
never to see it and had got a Passage for England in a very good Ship, 
but hearing my Son was not well at Georgia I was resolved to go and see 
him before I left the Country, the Ship I was to go in not being to Sail 
under a ^ fortnight im or three weeks time. When I came to Georgia 
Mr. Causton promised not to detain me against my Will, but to my great 
Sijrprize I have lost my Liberty and must not return home to my Native 
Land without Leave from the Trustees (30) when Sir You are sensible I 
had nothing from them either for my Passage or otherwise, neither would 
I have sold my Freedom for L 10,000 Sterg.; And as I have done nothing 
^o forfeit my Liberty hope I am not to lose it. There can be no greater 
Injury to the Success of the Colony than my Letters would be should I 
acquaint the World of my Loss of Liberty, but I fear them not whilst I 
have good Mr. Cglethorpe to apply to for Redress. Sir the Country is 
so very hot I am not capable of any Industry in it, and it is so very 
sickly th?t such Numbers of all Ages dgodbt dye dayly which terrifyes 
me so much I em not able to enjoy the least Thought of Life here. Oh! 

 19 (30) 

Sir had I thought of the least Restraint all the Lund in America 
should not have purchased my Freedom; I therefore beg your positive 
Comwand to these People in Power to let me go and hope a. Check into the 
Bargain for detaining me who am a free Woman and no way confined by Lot 
or otherwise. I have taken nothing from the Stores neither will I, 
and Causton will not pay me the & 5* You was pleased to order me. I 
pity my poor Son and wish him in the place of your meanest Servant for 
they are in a. Land of Health Liberty end Property, but did King George 
use his People as they are used here he would soon lose his Crown; Such 
J Lying, such Scandal and false Shearing ?s I never heard in my Life, in 
short it is a very Hell upon Earth; and I beg and entreat your Orders 
for my Deliverance as soon as possible. I could inform You of a great 
many Affairs You would be both gled and very sorry to hear but dare not 
write them, in short I tremble all the time I write this for should I be 
catch'd writing this I should be made a close Prisoner & allowed nothing. 
Oh! could de^r Mr. Oglethorpe (31) see and hear the Complaints of 
People here it would grieve him to the very Soul. It is impossible my 
Son should do sny thing here without four or five Servants, he will not 
be able to work himself in this Country if he lives he is now very ill 
of the Bloody Flux but won't write to You of it. OhJ Sir send for us 
Eocie or we shall certainly lose our Lives in this terrible place; There 
is different Sort of People fit for it but God knows we are not, and 
since I can be of no Service to the Colony I hope You will take such 
Care to see we may not lose our Lives here. Provisions are very in 
different but they say much mended, I cannot eat with any Satisfaction 
my Stomach is very bad. You was pleased to order me to be very particular 

 20 (31) 

therefore hope You will pardon this long Scrole, which the' I am very 
ill my Liberty is so much at hesrt I cannot forbear Repetition; And 
from this moment shall never enjoy Life till I hear from my only 
Friend and Deliverer, end may God Almighty the Rewarder of all Good 
send You long Life & every Blessing added to it is and shall be the 
constant Prayers of 

Dear Sir 

Your most Obliged and 

Obedient Servant 

Causton has put me into a House instead of a Lodging, I told him You 
only mentioned a Lodging I thought but he says he shall h^ve a great 
many People coming and he must have Rooms for them so that I am to be 
stuff'd in with all Sorts Sick & veil when they come, the House is 
without a Chimney and I see no Sign of any. For my Son they spy he 
cannot build without Money and indeed the (32) best favour You can do 
my poor Son is to Send for him when You send for me for we shall do no 
Good here and I would xaac serve my Betters in England rather than be a 
Slave to such vile Wretches as govern here. 

(33) Copy of a Letter from Mr. Robert Millar to the Trustees dated at 
Kingston in Jamaica 20th June 1735* 

Gentlemen 

I did my self the honour to give You an Account of my Voyage to 
Porto bello and Panama in my last of Deer. 10th and now ley hold of this 
opportunity to give You that of my lete one to Carthagena. 

 21 (33) 

Ve Sailed from hence on January 22d end arrived there the 1st of 
Febry.; next day I waited on his Excellency the Governour and delivered 
him the Letter which my Lord Petre obtained in my favour from the Count 
Montejo, which moved him to grant me the Liberty of one month*s Progress 
up the Country into any part I should think fit. 

To employ this time to the best advantage I made a strict 
Enquiry before I set out where I could find the Plant of the true 
Ipecacuana, the Balsam Capivi and Tolu Trees, and accordingly I set out 
for Mompos where I arrived in 8 deys after my leaving Carthsgena; when 
I had made a fruitless Search of the Neighbouring Fields for 5 days, 
and finding nothing remarkable I proceeded down the River Magdalena in 
a Canoe till we came to the mouth of the River Canca, and after 3 Days 
Voyage on it we reached the mouth of a smaller River called St. George 
and Setting our Canoe against its Current in 3 days more we arrived at 
a small Village called Ayapel in the Province of Antiochias. 

It was here I found the Balsam Capivi Tree and the true Ipecacuana 
Plant, this grows wild in a Wood about 4 miles Distance from the Village 
in a rich red Clay Ground and commonly to the height of a foot or foot 
and a half, the Root from 6 to 8 or 9 Inches long, and is propagated 
both by Seed and Layers, it flowers in Septr. and Octor. So that I 
missed the proper Season for that and the Seed, having only met with 
one Grain of the latter which I have (34) sent to Mr. Philip Millar. I 
brought here with me above a hundred of the Plants in Boxes, a great 
Number of which are alrea.dy dead and these that remain are in a bad 
Condition they having Suffered very much by a long Journey by Land, in 
which they met with several little Accidents to my great misfortune; end 

 22 (34) 

since by a tedious bad Weather Voyage from CaYthagena hitherto. But I 
hope to Repair this Loss by a Correspondence I hsve Settled with a 
Spanish Gentleman at the Piece of their Growth, who will transmit the 
Plants from time to time to the Doctor of the Factory in large Boxes 
which will come down all the way by Water to Carthsgena and be remitted 
me by him as Opportunitys offer; By this method I hope to hsve a suffi 
cient Stock that will take in this Climpte so that I may from hence 
transplant them to Georgia, where I don't in the least doubt of their 
Succeeding very well, for the Natural Heat of the Place where they grow 
seldom exceeds 45 Degrees. This I tryed by one of the same Sort of 
Thermometers that Mr. Millar makes use of in his hot House. 

As for the Balsam Capivi, the jbcx Tree yielding it when in 
Perfection is from 50 to 60 feet high, those I saw grew in much such a 
Soil as the beforementioned about 10 miles from the Tillage; But where 
they both grow in plenty is 5 Days Journey more up the Country along the 
said River St. George. When they extract the Balsam they cut the Tree 
into the Heart where there is a Cavity that extends itself almost the 
whole Length of the Trunk which they call a Vein, from thence in an 
hours time it yields all its Balsam, which in some Trees amount to 5 or 
6 Gallons; and though it thrives again as to its Growth yet it never 
produces any more Balsam. There are some Trees thst have 2 or 3 of 
these Veins but cutting one drains the whole; There are others that 
have none (35) at all. But those which yield the Balsam are distin 
guished from this latter Sort by a Ridge that appeprs upon the outward 
part of the Trunk and generally the whole Length of the inward Vein. I 
have sent Mr. Millar some of the Seeds of this, others I hsve sowed 

 23 05) 

here and thrive apace, the rest I keep for Georgia. 

Having now spent 10 Days here and. the time of my Licence from 
the Governour being already near elapsed, I returned down the River St. 
George till we arrived at Gegua where I hired Horses to Coloso about 40 
Lep.gu.es distance from it; Here I found the Tree which yields the Balsam 
of Tolu which takes that Name from a small ancient Village about 3 
Leagues Distance from it, though few Trees grow in its Neighbourhood. 
They extract this Balsam by making large Dents in the B?urk of the Tree 
with a Cutlass or a large Knife, then le^ve it for the Space of 8 dpys; 
On the 9th they return and fix Spoons made of Calibash under where they 
made their Incisions, then leave them and return every 24 hours and 
empty whatever the Tree has yielded into a larger Vessel and fix it agai$; 
They continue so to do till the Tree has yielded all its Balsam. I 
have also % sown here some of these Seeds but can't as yet see that they 
grow, others I have for the Use of the Colony and some I have sent Mr. 
Miller. From this I went to Tola by the Sea, here I hired a large Boat 
and came to Carthagena by Sea where I arrived on the 21st of April, and 
in 2 days after I set out for this Island in one of the Company's 
Snows. 

I intended to have gone to La Vera Cruz by an opportunity which 
now offers, but Mr. Hayes a new Factor would not allow my going in the 
Vessel with him, though I had the Consent of both the South Sea Agents 
here; he said it was contrary (36) to his Orders to take any Person 
down with him but those who belonged to the Vessel; So that I now stay 
for an Opportunity to go to Campechy which I expect will offer some time 
in July and from thence I can go to La Vera Cruz in one of the Spanish 

 24 (36) , - 

Coasting Vessels; This will be much the longest Voypge that I have yet 
made in your Service, both by its Distance being so much to the Leeward 

and that few Vessels are sent there, for the Ships that go to Campechy 

and 
go directly from thence to England/there mayn't perhaps be another 

opportunity after this these 6 or 7 mouths. However it shall be my 
Sole Endeavour to employ all my time in Obedience to your Instructions, 
in the mean time begging your favourable Acceptance of this I am 

Gentlemen 

Your most humble and 
most Obedient Servant 

(3?) Copy of a Letter from Mr. Thomas Causton to the Trustees Dated at 
Savannah June the 20th 1735- 

Hoy it Please your Honours 

In my Letter dated in Aprill last I mentioned the Advices I 
received from Captain Mg,ckay and the Measures I had taken thereon, 
since which I received advice by private hpnds from Charles Town thpt 
the Governor of Augustine had wrote to the Governor of Carolina remon 
strating, That Whereas an English Captain in the Creek Nation had 
ordered some Indians to Act in an Hostile Manner against the King of 
Spains Subjects and had killed one Spaniard he had orderd That (if due 
Satisfaction was not made) 40 Indians and some Spaniards to make 
Reprisalls on the Indians and English KBosKKK whereever they could find 
them. Another Advice from Tomo Chachi brought me word (with too much 
truth, that near the River Alatamaha beyond Fort Argylle Some of his 

 25 (37) 

People had been Sett upon in their Camp and Seven were killed this was 
at first reported to be the Euchees, But the Euchee Indian whom they 
said was among them, was ?t that time at home in the Town, and they are 
Convinct that it was the Yamassees having been traced that way. These 
advices compared with Mr. Mackay's Letter, gave us just Reasons to beleive 
the Spaniards were in Execution of the Threats from Augustine And that 
those threats proceeded from what Mr. Mackay mentions to have Order'd 
in his former Advice. 

I wrote again to the Several Settlements to be upon their Guard, 
and sent the Constables to W^rn them of the Danger And I hope the 
People will Continue their Watchfullness. At Ebenezer 6 men keep Guard 
every Night with a Day Centinall. At Hampstead and Highgate 1 Centinell 
night (38) and Day, at Skidoway 1 Centinell Height and Day. I also 
advised with Captain Machpherson, so soon as I received Mr. Mackays 
Letter and I dont doubt but proper Care is taken on that River by him 
and the Scotch Settlement. 

The Enclosed likewise came to my hands from Captain Mackay and 
in 3 days more arrived 3^ Indians of the Lower Creek Ration, The Ex 
press who brought the Letter brought also another for the Chief men of 
the Lower Nation by which they were desired to tarry till the Upper 
People came down which I delivered my self at Tomo Chachi*s Town. Tomo 
Chachi was again uneasy beleiving Mr. McKay had again ixsamggt dis 
appointed his Intentions and indeed I found that tho Tomo Chachi had 
Invited some of the Upper Nation he did not Intend to have so many of 
them; the Lower Creeks refused to tarry and be much out of humour. 
Saying, They had seen Mr. Mackay before, they did not want to See him 

 26 

now. They came to See us, and if we did not want to see them they 
would return back for they had bussiness enough to mind and Tomo 
Chachi said that That these Lower People were them he wanted; I thought 
it necessary to make Tomo Chachi sensible Thst Mr. Mackay was a very 
good man, and in great favour with your Honours, That as he had been 
sent into the Nations to do justice and preserve friendship between the 
Indians and the English, he Certainly had discovered that those people 
whom he was bringing with him as well as those already come were deserv 
ing of Notice and that as he and we were now one People, and lived 
together, those who were friends to us were the best friends to him; 

therefore wished he would perswa.de them to tarry some few days to see 

1^ 
if Mr. Mackay would Come, and in Conclusion tatold him That if he did 

not ^ Approve of it my Orders were to Deliver the Goods (39) to Such 
people as he should direct, and I was repay to do it. 

As % it is my steadfast Resolution to keep to your Honours 
Orders in all Cases us punctually as I can, I thought it absolutely 
Necessary to do so now. 

Those Indians agreed to tarry 5 Days and no longer. Tomo Chachi 

/*?<?<: ^^ 

Complain That one Lika an Indian, had been sent by Captain to kill the 

1 

Spaniards by which means he had lost some of his People, It is true, 
that Lika did go to a Spanish Fort, and kill a Centinell Committ some 
Outrages and when he Returned to his Town sent a Runner to bring out the 
English Colours Thst he might enter his own Town with Coulours flying. 
Some Indians in the Nation who were in the Spanish Interest had 
threatned the Captain. 

But as the Tplk upon this Affair will be better related when I am 

 27 (39) 

to speak of the Upper Nation, I beg le^ve to proceed with Regard to the 
Lower Nation; The^ d?y was come which was appointed for their Publick 
Reception and delivery of the Presents. 

As there was likely to be near 1^0 Indians I thought it Necessary 
to make the best Appearance we could I therefore Orderd Mr. Young to 
Erect an Open Shed on the West Side of Johnson Square, with proper 
Benches and Tables for their Reception end Sorting out of the Presents 
and as many People as could be gott together, to be under Arms, we had 
on this Occasion near 200 men under Arms, who behaved very well the 
Manners thus; A Petti^ugua took them on Board at Tomo Chachi^s house cm 
an Hoisted an Union Flagg at the Main mast he?d, ajid Leaded them at 
Musgroves old House; the Master of the Pettiaugue then brought the Flagg 
to Mr. Vanderplank, who hoisted it in the Middle of the Square, about 30 
Gentlemen and others as (4o) Volunteers msodc marched under arms, and 
Command of Dr. Patrick Tailfier waited on the Indians to Salute them at 
their Landing and to tell them, The Magistrates were ready to receive 
them. 

The Body of the people by desire of Mr. Vanderplank (were upon 
this Occasion) Marshalled and Commanded by Mr. Jones, followed the 
Volunteers with 20 Greanadiers at the Head, two Ensigns flying and two 
Drums beating, to Attend the Indians in their Walk; The Grenadiers 
proceeded the Indians; and the whole Body brought up the Rear; when 
they came near to the Publick Landing, about one half of those in the 
Rear fyled of to come through the other Streets into the Square directly, 
drew up into two Lines to make a Lane for the Indians to go up to the 
place of Reception when the Indians ceme to the publick Landing 4? 

 28 (4o) 

Cannon were fired. 

I Leg leave to Referr you for the Particular Talk to Mr. 
Recorder's minittes, which I have Examined. I hpve reason to beleive 
they were well pleased. As I was doubtfull, what Impression my Talk to 
Tomo Chachi had made on him, and what Proportion of the Goods, he in 
tended to give these, or whether, he would not resolve to give them all. 
I did not suffer any to be brought out, but by His Order, and I askt him 
the proper Questions on all the Particulars, and he Order'd One half to 
be brought out and the other half to be Saved for the upper Nation 
when they came,this gave me great satisfaction, they were delivered 
accordingly, and the Indians were Reconveyed to Tomo Chachi*s house in 
the same order, that they came. 

The two next days were Spent in taking down Talk which is a 
Relation of the Rise and some Particular adventures of the Cussitai*3, 
which they desired might be written on a Buffeloe Skin and Presented to 
your Honours I have put it together in as Genuine.a manner as I could, 
and hope it will be acceptable. I em promised (4l) a further Account 
from Hakitaws and Palachocolas which they say will be an Improvement 
to this. 

I had wrote to Collonel Bull to favour me with his Advice in the 
present juncture, upon the Receipt of my Letter he pcqiMinted the 
Council of Carolina of the matter, That he was willing to go, But it 
being then Inconvenient for him. The Council orderd, Thpt the 
Treeurer should p^y the Charge of his Boat and h^nds, and they desired 
him to come to us. Colonel Bull arrived here on the l4th c^ay of June, 
Mrc^ay arrived on the 18th and the Indians on the 22d. 

 29 (41) 

I had. wrote to Mr. Jenys and Mr. Chardon to send me a. true 
Account of what the Governor of St. Au^stine had wrote I received no 
Answer from Mr. Chnrdon, and Mr. Jenys writes me word pr. Colonell Bull 
that a Copy of the Letter from Augustine with their Governors Answer wge 
sent to me and that Colonell Bull would acquaint me of the whole 
matter. I received no Copye of thpt kind but Collonell Bull told me in 
Substance what I hpve mentioned at the beginning of my Letter. 

I now knew exactly what Tomo Chachi designed for these of the 
upper Nation but we were under some pain, how these might be made 
acceptable to so great a number of this Nation, who had never been here 
before Mr. Mackey urged an Enlargement of the Presents which at first 
mett with every Ones Approbation, as a matter absolutely necessery, 
and within Captain Mackay's Instructions; This being one of the neces 
sary Occasions wherein he was et any price to Secure the friendship of 
the Indians. But they Changed their mind, when I told them, thst the 
coming of these Indians was no more then to receive Such Goods se Your 
Honours had Enabled Tomo Chachi to give them, Thpt in the Distribution 
of these, (42) he had given One half to the Lower Nation and reserved 
the other Half for this. And if those should at this time receive any 
thing more than the other, It would be apt to Create a jealousy in the 
first. I added further, that ae the very man was among them who had 
killed the Spaniards It might reasonably be published he was thereby 
rewarded for it, pnd thereby Conclude it was by order of Captain Mackay 
as has been reported. 

Colonel Bull and the Magistrates joyned with me That we should 
be ae Cautious to prevent eny Suspicion of our Rewarding a Man for such 

 30 (42) 

an Act as we would be Carefull how we slighted him who would (in all 
probability) be re^oy to serve us at any other time. And with humble 
Submission, I think it would have been better, if the Cpptein had not 
brought him at this time his coming has much aggravated Tomo Chachi's 
uneasiness we thought it necessary to give them a± a talk in form and 
accordingly drew up one in Writing And when they were Seated I acquain 
ted them That the Magistrates of this Town had orderd Mr. Christie the 
Recorder then present to Deliver the Talk to them by word of mouth. 
These Indipns were received in the same form as the other and Tomo 
Chachi delivered the Goods to three of the Micos to be by them distri 
buted According to their Direction. 

As Mr. Christie will send your Honours the whole Talk I beg 
leave to Inform you, That I have eeen a Letter from Colll. Broughton to 
Mr. Mackay wherein he desires that an Enquiry be made who killed the 
Spaniard and am going with the Magistrates to hear Tomo Cha.chi*s Com 
plaint against Lika whereby we may be able to give him en answer, of 
which I shall not f^il to trpnsmitt an Account in my next. (4^) 

I received a Letter from Mr. Manigault the Tresurer wherein he 
tells me that the Council had orderd him to pay Colll. Bull's Charges, 
and they Expected I would repay it. I immediately advised that I would 
repay it so soon us he would lett me know the Sum. 

The Merchants in Carolina are highly disgusted, with Ceptain 
Mackay for removing some of the Traders in the Creek Nation and give out 
that a great many Traders and an Agent will be Spedily Sent into the 
Indian Nation. But as this only The talk of some who Speaks as 
Interest directs their Wishes I cajmot Say we Creditt nor think of 

 31 (43) 

opposing it, till the time comes. 

The whether has been very hot and we have had very little Rain, 
which will make a thin Harvest; This is a generell Complaint but more 
in Carolina than here, some of our People have been ill chiefly with 
Agues, Malignant Feavers, and some Fluxes; I Bless God, tho some have 
dyed many were recover; with this Cornea a Coppy of the Register, 9nd my 
whole Cash Account to Middsumer; As I huve now gott matters into pretty 
good order I sh^ll be able to send a Cash Accot. aad all Draughts 
monthly. The Captn. waits for my Letter and I beg leave to Subscribe 
my self. 

Your Honours 

Most Dutyfull Servant 
P.S. 

The Captain tarrying longer then expected I beg le^ve to Acquaint 
you that we have Examined into Tomo Chachi*s Complaint and have sent it 
exactly in writing As it was taken from the Mouths of him and Lika in 
the Presence of the Magistrates ajid Captain Mackay; and hearing of all 
the Chief men of the upper Nation and John Barton Mr. Mackays Inter 
preter, your Honrs. will See by this Enquiry the whole matter of the 
Spaniard (44) is owing to Barton, we hpve taken Security of him to 
answer for it in Such manner as your Honours Shall direct. 

I suppose Mr. Mackay will Clear it up. 

 32 (45) 

Copy of a. Letter from Mr. Samuel Quincy to Mr. Verelst dated at 
Savannah 28th June 1735. 

Sir 

I had the favour of a Letter from You dated 13th Deer. 1734 but 
did not receive it till the latter End of Msy, and therefore could not 
possibly answer it before now. I return a great many Thanks to the 
Honble. Trustees for their Kindness to me in ordering the Glebe to be 
fenced, and did according to their Command look out for fit Persons to 
undertake it; but Mr. Jones our Surveyor has run out for the Glebe a 
very different Parcel of Land from what Mr. Oglethorpe shew'd me, which 
was some of the best Land near the Town talking in a small Quantity of 
Pine Barren, and running into a Cane and Cypress Swamp which is the 
richest and moet profitable Land in this Country. Instead of this Mr. 
Jones has run out the whole 300 Acres in Pine Barren lying in the Road 
between this Town and Highgate, and he pays that Mr. Oglethorpe ordered 
it so; but I am very certain that it is not the Land Mr. Oglethorpe 
shew'd me, and dare say Mr. Oglethorpe himself will readily recollect 
that it is not the same. When he did me the favour to shew me the Land 
he told me he intended for the Glebe, there went with us Mr. Holzindorf 
a Gentn. from Purysburgh whom Mr. Oglethorpe was then about making an 
Agreement with to get it fenced by People from Purysburgh. Mr. Hol 
zindorf still remembers the Land very perfectly, and I doubt not but 
this Circumstance may renew it in the memory of Mr. Ogelthorpe. The 
Land that is now run out for the Glebe is the worst of Pine Barren 
hereabouts and I h?.ve had the opportunity to consult Col. Bull a Planter 
from Carolina whether it will be worth the fencing, and he assures 

 33 (46) 

me it will not and th?t the Money so laid, out will be thrown away. The 
cheapest that a Worm Fence will cost to inclose the whole will be t $0 
Sterl. and this to be entirely renewed once in 7 Years, for the best 
Fence will last no longer. I have therefore put a Stop to the Work 
till the Honble. Trustees will be so good, as to ascertain where the 
Glebe shall be. The Land Mr. Oglethorpe shew'd me is already run out 
into 5 Acre Lots for other People who are Settled upon it and have 
improved part of it. 

If the Glebe is to be Pine Barren it will never turn to any 
Profit for the largest Scope of it unless in the Spring and beginning 
of the Summer will afford no Pasturage, for in the height of Summer all 
the Grgss is burnt up except that which the Cattle cannot eat commonly 

called (for its Resemblance thereto) Wire Grass, and it does not 

t/ 

recover again till the Spring; So that for 7 or 8 months no Cattle can 
live upon Pine Barren but are forced to Seek their Food in distant 
Places amongst the Cane Swamps, the Tops of the Cenes and other Herb&ge 
affording tnem very good Feed in low and moist Places. 

This Sort of Lend is as little good for Planting as it is for 
Psstursge; for Pine Barren unless it has a Clay Bottom a little below 
the Surface, by which means it retains a Moisture in dry Seasons, will 
not bear hardly any thing; but if it is thus mix'd vith Clay, which is 
the Case of some Pine Barren, it will bear Indian Corn, Potatoes, 
Carnvansies and other American Grain and Fruits pretty well especially 
in wet Seasons. But the Pine Barren hereabouts is a perfect Sund for 
more than 20 feet deep, and therefore is not worth improving at any 
Expence. 

 34 (46) 

The poor Saltzburghers at Ebenezer have had sufficient Experience 
of the ^adness of this Sort of Land, who have hitherto lost all their 
Labour, tho' (4?) they have "been very industrious. They have themselves 
represented their unhappy Condition by Letters to the Society for pro 
moting Christian Knowledge, which I suppose will be represented by them 
to the Eonble. Trustees. 

You inform me Sir that the Bonble. Trustees desire I would Send 
them the same Accots. of my Parish as I am obliged to send to the 
Society for Propagating the Gospel. I should not so long h^ve delayed 
those Accots. but that I did not know till -very lately my Duty in this 
matter, for when I left England the Secretary Dr. Humphreys did not 
Supply me with one of the Books wherein the proper Instructions for 
Missionarys are contained, and therefore I was ignorant of many neces 
sary things to be known, till lately in Conversation with one of the 
Missionarys from Carolina he informed me that I was obliged to write 
twice a. year. I am now ignorant of the Accounts expected any farther 
than they appear by the Pieces of Letters published at the End of the 
Anniversary Sermons, where I find that the chief things taken Notice of 
a^e the Number of Christenings, the Number of Hearers and Communicants. 
As to the Number of Hearers I reckon about 20 that are pretty constant 
and other accidental Comers sometimes make up 40 and sometimes 50. The 
Excuse of People for not coming to Church is the wajit of a convenient 
place of Worship, and indeed if they were at all zealous to perform this 
Duty the Place would not hold them; for it will not contain more than 
100, and we might reasonably expect according to our present Numbers not 
less than 300. As for Communicants I hpve had sometimes 5 or 6, and 

 33 (47) 

last Easter Sunday there were 14, and on Whitsundey 12. The Number of 
Christenings in the Colony since I arrived here to this present time 
have been 34. The Number of Burials 1$6 and. the (48) Number of 
Marriages 38, as appeers by the Register. I return You, Sir, a great 
many Thpnks for your Kindness in forwarding several Letters to me from 
my Mother, and particularly for your Writing to her, with Mr. Rogers to 
whom prpy present ny humble Service. I heartily wish You all Happiness 
and am Sir 

Your most Obliged humble Servant 

(49) Copy of a Letter from Mr. Noble Jones to the Trustees dp.ted at 

Savannah 1st July 1735. 

* 

Gentlemen 

The Brigantine Ca.pt. Thomson being ready to Sail from this place 
with Mr. West I take this opportunity in Obedience to Your Honours Com 
mands of acquainting You with the State of Affairs here as far as 
relate to me, which my Duty long before required but the Occasion of iny 
omitting was thp:t I could by no means get my Platts finished which I 
knew Your Honours would expect and which as soon as possible I will 
send, Some being almost ready. 

Before Mr. Oglethorpe went from hence amongst other Orders he 
told me that Mr. Robert Parker Senr. had his Licence to erect a Saw 
Mill on any of those Creeks that lay about Thunderbolt, Soon after this 
he told me that Mr. Parker had fix'd upon the Creek thpt lays between 
Thunderbolt and Savannah, that I should l..^y out a 45 Acre Farm Lot on 

 (49) 

the Bluff adjoining for his Son Edwd. Parker, end. thp.t all the Remainder 
of the said Bluff that was left after the lower New Ward was Supplyed 
with Farm Lots should be admeasured, that Mr. Parker Senr. should peti 
tion your Honours and that I should set forth on the back of the said 
Petition the Platt and Contents of such Complement of Land in order to 
obtain a Grant from yotir Honours for the same. 

Soon after Mr. Oglethorpe was gone Mr. Parker came to me as I was 
going up Savannah River and desired a Passage with me to Purysburgh; In 
the Passage we had some Discourse about his Kill, and as we came between 
little Yataasee and Purysburgh there is a short Cutt of Creek; We at his 
Desire Stop'd & view'd it well, he resolved he said to erect his Mill 
there for it would save him the Trouble and Charge of Floats, for he 
would fix it fast. I told him it was contrary (50) to Mr. Oglethorpe's 
Directions to me but that I was sure your Honours were ever willing to 
promote any thing that was for the Good of any man, especially when it 
was Supposed to be for publick Benefit; that if he petitioned he need 
not doubt a Gr^nt. He said he had private Instructions that would pro 
tect him farther than that; I did not spy much in Contradiction because 
I thought it could hinder nothing, the Creek being at present stop'd 
with Timber that lyeq there, the Island it makes being very small and 
that overflow'd with the Freshes therefore unfit for any Cultivation 
at present. I heard no more of it for I believe 6 weeks or 2 months 
when one day being in Town Mr. Causton ask'd me if I knew where Mr. 
Parker hs.d set his Mill, I told him I supposed in the above Creek, he 
said he was informed otherwise for that it was in Abercorn River some 
where above the Town; We met Mr. Robert Parker Junr. who we ask'd about 

 37 (30) 

it, he e^id it vas so and. that his Father hsn Instructions from Mr. 
Oglethorpe to Set it where he pleased, I desired to know if it were 
possible to See those Instructions, he said they were verbal; I then 
said Mr. Parker had pcted ungenerously with me for so doing, for that he 
veil knew how angry Mr. Oglethorpe had been with me for believing his 
Father (without a written Order or a regular Petition to the Trustees) 
when he said he came immediately from him, and that I should now much 
fear whether the Trustees would not be very angry with me if I should 
not Stop it till I had rec'd. Orders about it; He in a Heat told us 
that he was a Lieutenant *snd had Men under his Command, that he would 
protect his Father and dispute his Title other where. Mr. Caaston & 
my self both told him that Passion nor his Command would avail but 
Iittl6, thpt I was sure I could easily raise a stronger force to defend 
and maintain the Law and lawfull Commands then I believed was in the 
Power of any Man to oppose; but since his Father had (51) unadvisedly 
begun it would be his best way to petition your Honours for a Gr^.nt of 
some Land at that pl&ce with Lease for his Mill; that if he would, as 
soon as such Petition was ready I would endorse it and describe the 
Place in order to prevent its being disposed off to any other, and 
advised him to be as expeditious as he could for fear some Person should 
come over with such Grpnt. I afterwards went up to the Hill and ad 
vised his father to the same, and at severs! other times did the same 
but as yet could never perswade him to it. Though he was present when 
Mr. Oglethorpe gave Orders that the way for any Person here to get a. 
Lease of any Trust or a Grant of any vacant Land vas to be by a Peti 
tion to your Honours which Petition I was to endorse and the Land to 

 38 (3D 

describe in order to Set forth to your Honours thpt the said Petition 
was for Lean yet vacant and not run out. I particularly did my Endeavour 
to persuade him to write to Mr. Oglethorpe in Excuse for his Rashness, 
his constant Reply was that his Interest was so good with the Trustees 
that it was out of the Power of any Man to hinder any thing he desired 
and that he hpjd wrote and daily expected an Smtz Answer, in expectation 
of which I staid till I an now afraid your Honours should want my 
Account of the Affair. 

While Mr. Oglethorpe was st Charles Town he sent me Directions 
in Writing for all those Gentlemen that had Grants and fix'd their Minds 
towards Thunderbolt, to Set out their LaacLg according to the Priority of 
such their Grants. Among the rest Mr. Sale was one, but soon after Mr. 
Sale's Death Mr. Robert Parker Junr. came to me and told me he was 
going to be married to the Widow Sale, and therefore desired to know 
where Mr. Sale's Land was to be, I told him, he replyed that would not 
do for him for he would not live on the Salts, &nd that Mr. Sale's 
Grant ^ intitled him to 500 Acres of Land wherever he thought (52) fit 
and therefore he was resolved to go and settle at the place where his 
Father had begun to Set his Mill. I told him I could not pretend to Say 
whwt Right Mr. S^le might have at his first Landing, but I apprehended 
Mr. Sale's making a Choice on a particular Place, during Mr. Oglethorpe's 
Residence, took off all Pretensions from the Widow or any other to 
Change without a Licence from Your Honours first had. Presently after 
upon his Mprriage he came and demanded such ^and in his own Name, 
afterwards offered me as a Present 3 Guineas besides my Fees; my con 
stant Answer was, it was not in my Power, that if it had (tho' my Fees 

 39 (32) 

were too small) yet I should have been as willing to have done it 
without a Bribe as with; I withall told him that I could do no other than 
give him the same Advice I had done his Father, to Petition Your Honours 
for sach his Desire but he at all times Seemed to me to be above such a 
Condecension. About the beginning of December last he came to me and 
said, that now he had a mind to go and live on the Salts provided the 
Place pleased him; I acquainted him that in a Day or two I was going to 
Skidowsy that I would at the same time go aJid shew him the Place. 
Accordingly we went, but when we came to Skidoway he told me in short 
terms he would let no body choose for him, so he took one of the Scout 
Boat Men to.Pilot him and away he went (while I was finishing for the 
People at Skidowsy) and was gone 2 deys, at his Return he told me he 
liked no Land unless on Skidoway that if I would run it there I might 
then do it before I went home; I assured him I was very reedy to d%?it 
was it no^ contrary to my Instructions but that it was as requisite to 
obtain a Licence for that as it was for it at his Father's Mill; He 
flew in a Passion, used much scurrilous Language concerning Mr. Ogle- 
thorpe and the Settlement, said he would not have any Land in this 
Province for he could buy a large Trpct of better Land (under a better 
Tenure) in Carolina (53) for a small ma.tter which he wa.s resolved to do, 
and if I run any Land for him he would not take it; away he went in that 
Passion to Town but as I was inform'd vented a little more of his Spleen 
at Thunderbolt. I heard no more of him till after Cppt. Dunbar arrived, 
when going up with Mr. Causton and Capt. Dunbar to See his Father's 
Mill I found he had taken Possession and said he was resolved to keep 
it, I told him that he must not do that without such Licence as I had 

 40 (33) 

before urged him so much to get from your Honours, Th^t if he bed wrote 
when I first advised him to it he might have had Answers long before then, 
but nevertheless since he had begun to do something, which was the first 
Work he had done, I aovised him to leave it as it was and go down to 
Town where he had good Land both the Town and Garden Lots (which to this 
day are no forwarder in any one thing than they were the Day they were 
granted to him) as also Mr. Sole's Town Lot which is fenced in with a 
good frame of a Hutt on it, Mr. Sale's Garden Lot about two Acres of 
which is cleared end fenced & a good Hutt quite built on it. Instead of 
agreeing to such Advice he seid he would keep that Possession and enquire 
of the Trustees by what Authority any one had to turn him out; At 
length Mr. Causton advised him not to be angry with me for I only did 
my Duty, and that if I pull'd his Building down it was no more than a 
Discharge of such Duty, and referr'd him to his father if he had not 
heard Mr. Oglethorpe give me such Orders; and withull told him that he 
apprehended it was the wrong way to expect the Trustees should grant 
that which he had by force taken, and the Trustees put no Person into 
any Office whatsoever but with Intent that they should obey their Orders, 
and not to comply with the Whims of every one that was like him who did 
not know their own Minds twenty four hours together. (34) After this 
we seemed Friends, dined together, the next day he brought his Servants 
down to Savannah and then continued without doing any thing till the 
Servants urged him to Set them about some Sort of Work, which he % at 
last fix'd on Spwing tha' they chose to clear more Land aid plant that 
they had cleared for their late Master Sale. 

Gentlemen, I have wrote more largely concerning these two 

 41 (54) 

Gentlemen than I should otherwise have done, because by that Letter I 
happened to Seize the 7th of March last (a Copy of which I sent your 
Honours inclosed in Mr. Causton's) I find he lays the whole fault of his 
own Mismanagement on Mr. Causton and my self. 

I assure your Honours the above is the true State of that Affair 
as far as the same relates to me. I humbly beg your Honours Instruc 
tions how to act in this, and all other Affairs of this Nature. 

Mr. Causton desired me to give your Honours a Description of the 
Mill and its Situation; First as to the Kill, there is nothing new in 
the Design it is not on Floats as he pretended he would set it, but yet 
if he had employed good Workmen or understood Work himself it might have 
answered but he would take no Advice, so that in the opinion of me & 
every one here that have any Knowledge of Workmanship there is no part 
except the Water Wheel (which is well made) fit for such a Use, and that 
if he should ever Set it to Work, the whole would tumble to Pieces before 
it had cut half the Stuff as would pay for the Building. 

As to the Situation it is on a fine Bluff (about 6 miles by 
Water above Abercorn but I believe not above 2 in a strait Course by 
Lend) on the Creek mark*d B in the Plat of Abercorn, it is a fine bold 
Creek, has many fine Bluffs fit for Towns particularly one about 7 miles 
above the Mill 30 feet or upwards high (53) the Top all high Land for 
miles together extending itself always. It runs with many Turnings 
thro' into Spvannsh River about S miles above purysburgh, a.bout 2 miles 
below is a fine Bluff called Hogs Crarol and about 4 Miles below the 
entrance into Ebeneser River (at the Mouth of which is also a fine high 
Bluff). I am of opinion that was the Creek clear it would be the easiest 

 42 (33) 

if not the shortest way for the Trading Boats going up to the Options as 
veil as to Ebenezer, the Creek is certainly convenient for Mills but 
then they might be so set as not for one to hinder the whole Navigation; 
I hope before long to Send Your Honours a Draught of the whole. 

I have run the Land of most of the People who h^.ve any Title here 
at present and hope e'er long to finish, which I had done before now had 
I not had the Misfortune of being werk hpnded occasioned by the Sickness 
and Death of Servants. 

Mr. Causton acquainted me that it was your Honours De?ire to 
have an Account of my Proceedings as often as possible, which I shsll 
take nil opportunitys to perform; Arni beg Le^ve to assure your Honours 
that none shall be more re&oy to obey that, and all other your Honours 
Commands as soon as possible after they coTte to my Knowledge, than Your 
Honours 

Most Obedient humble 
Servant to Command 

(65) Copy of a Letter from Mr. Spmuel Quincy to Mr. Newrnan dated at 
Savannah 4th July 1?35. 

Dear Sir 

I rec'd. your favour by Capt. Lusk some time since, together with 
a Box of smpll Tracts from the Eonble. Society. I sent to Mr. Bolzius 
according to Orders 100 Journals and some of the Treats egpinst Popery 
which he desired, and shall be ready to deliver him as many more of them 
as he thinks will be serviceable to his People. 

 43 (65) 

Mr. Bolzius desires me to acquaint You that he humbly begs the 
Assistance and Direction of the Honble. Society in en Affair thpt has 
lately happened to him. Mr. Montagute having an Order to pay Mr. Bolzius 
a Sum of Money and not being well acquainted with the Carolina Currency 
had rec'cL. Counterfeit Bills; which false Bills, not knowing them to be 
such, he paid to Mr. Bolzius to the Number of 8 or 9 L 15 Bills which 
amount to t 16 or L 18 Sterling money. This Loss is like to fell upon 
Mr. Bolzius, for he having kept the Bills by him 3 months, not Suspect 
ing that they were bad, when he would have returned them Mr. Montagute 
absolutely refused to take them because of the Distance of time; 
Alledging that if he should do it, all the Counterfeit Bills in the 
Province might be brought to him. Our Magistrates have given it as 
their Opinion that Mr. Montpgute ought to mpke the Bills good, but he 
refuses to Stand to their Determination and they cannot oblige him 
because he belongs to Purysburgh snd is not under the Jurisdiction of 
their Court. Mr. Bolzius begs Directions how to proceed in thin 
Affair; such a Loss would be heavy upon him in his present Circumstances, 

(66) I have endeavoured to inform my self as much as possible 
concerning what You write, thpt I might acquaint the Honble. Society 
therewith, vizt. whether we have any Romish Missionaries froa home that 
keep a Correspondence here, but I cannot find that there are any. ^e 
have several Persons supposed to be Roman Catholicks, and some known to 
be such; but if they cprry on any Designs of proselyting others it is 
extrepmly private, and I rather believe there is no such Design because 
Religion seems to be the least minded of any thing in the plpce; and if 
there was any such thing on foot I apprehend there would at leest be 

 44 (66) 

more of the f^ce of it. Since I have rec'd. your Letter I h?:ve put my 
Clerk who is a. Sober young Man, upon getting a Society of other young 
Men to meet every Sunday night, which they npye done for about 6 Weeks 
past to the Number of 7 or 8 of them, efter the Example of some 
Societies in London. Their method is to read the Epistles and Gospels 
for the day with Comments upon them, to Say the Evening Service with a 
Collect composed for the Occasion, and confer on what they have heard. 
I look upon this, by the Blessing of God, to be one likely means to 
preserve them from being tainted with Errors. And if there are any 
designing Persons of the Romish Communion it may be a mea,ns of discover 
ing them, because s.s I have heprd it observed, they frequently mix them- 
eelves with such young Societies. I shall therefore narrowly watch over 
them and often visit them to give them Instructions and Directions. 

You desire in one of your Letters to know whether the Jews amongst 
us seem inclined to (6?) embrace Christianity. We have here two Sorts 
of Jews, Portuguese and Germans; The first having professed Christianity 
in Portugal or the Brazils sre more lax in their wey and dispense with a 
great many of their Jewish Rites, and two young Men the Sons of a Jew 
Doctor sometimes come to Church and for these Reasons ere thought by 
some People to be inclined to be Christians, but I cannot find that they 
really are so; only their Education, in those Countries where they were 
obligee, to appear Christians, mokes them less rigid and stiff in their 
way. The German Jews who are thought the better Sort of them are a great 
deal more strict in their wpy, and rigid Observers of their Law. Their 
kindness shew'd to Mr. Bolzius & the Saltzburghers was owing to the good 
Temper and Humanity of the People, and not to any Inclination to change 

 45 (67) 

their Religion, a<s I can understand. They all in general "behave them 
selves very veil and are industrious in their Business, 

I h^ve "by this opportunity conveyed Letters from Mr. Bolzius end 
My. Vat, which I believe pre chiefly on the Subject of their Lands. I 
mentioned in a Letter, which I hope you h^ve long since rec'd., some 
thing of the sFBie me.tter. Their Dependence is very much on the Honble. 
Society to use their Interest with the Trustees to get them removed to a 
more fertile Soil, without which they h^ve no Prospect of ever Subsist 
ing themselves. 

I am 

Dear Sir 

Your most Obedient humble Servpjit 

(69) Copy of a Letter from Mr. Samuel Eveleigh to Mr. William Jeffreys 
dated at Savannah 4th July 1735. 

Sir 

I have "been at this place about two months in Expectation of some 
Vessels, one of which the Oglethorpe arrived here two days since from 
Jamaica with Rum, Lime Juice, Sugar, Molasses &c. to which place I again 
design her with Lumber &c. I am in d?ily Expectation of the Vessel You 
mentioned in your lR.st, which Letter I can't at present answer. 

I have here about 9 or 10,000 weight of Leather which I shall 
begin to pack next week in order to load on your Vessel expected from 
Bristol, and to fill her up with Lumber and send her back to You in 

 46 (69) 

expectation that there is a Bounty thereon. 

It has "been my great fpult that I haiTe not wrote to You to know 
what Lumber will do at your Piece, but desire You'll make diligent 
Enquiry a.nd inform me p first opportunity end. should be glad to under 
stand that it will do. 

I have loaded on board the Two Brothers Capt. Thomson the Bearer 
hereof 33 Hogsheads of Skins, 29 whereof I have cut off the Pates and 
Tails by which I find I lose 14 or 15 p Ct. I hope the Price will 
answer it at home. The other 4 Ehds. I had not time my Negroes being run 
away which I have consigned to Messrs. Samuel and William Bsker, as also 
about 70 Tons of Live Oak Timber which I h^ve consigned to Messrs. Peter 
Simond and Compa. which was cut by w&ite People s.nd has cost me a great 
deal of money, but if I find it will do I shall for the future employ 
Negroes which will coiae a great deal cheaper. (70) 

As soon as I came down here I went with Capt. Thomson, Colcock 
and Miller the Pilot here to survey and sound the Outlet at Wassaw, the 
inside we found capable of receiving any Quantity of Men of War with 
Safety in all Weather. But when we came to try the Chaniel we found 
but 16^ feet at low dead Water; but I am informed that there is a much 
better Channel close by little Tybee which I propose to Sound as soon as 
I have a little Leisure, and from thence to go an Island called Useban 
a little to the Southward thereof and view the same, where I am informed 
is vast Quantitys of Live Oak Timber and other Sorts of Timber of great 
value. 

Since my Arrival at this place the Lover aJid Upper Creek Indians 
are arrived here to whom has been given the Presents from the Trust; 

 4? (70) 

They have here been civilly entertained, and the former are gone away 
very veil satisfyed and I do Suppose the latter will do the seme. 

My Coming to this place has incensed the Gentlemen of Ch-rles 
Town to s very great degree, so far that I am threaten'd on all hands; 
Especially by such that could have prevented it by not passing that 
foolish Law, which when passing I strenuously argued agpinst pnd told 
them thwt I could make it appear as plain as any of Euclids Element that 
it would drive away the Trpde to this place. But they would not in the 
least hearken to me nor to what Col. Fenwick and others could say 
against it; They imagined that what I said was out of private Interest, 
though God is my Witness I had no such View. 

Mr. Mackay Agent appointed by our lute (71) Governor and Mr. 
Oglethorpe is come down as Agent and has brought most of the Traders 
down as well Creeks as Chickesaws and lias given them his Licences, and 
has turned out sever?! Traders who are gone to Charles Town where they 
are taking out their Licences, which Mackay says % he'll send down by 
force as soon as he gets up again; He designs to build a Fort there, has 
alresdy e.n Of f i cer and some Soldiers and is sending up more and is 
resolved to carry his Point. On the other hand the Gentlemen in Town 
talk of taking away the Charges of Licences, of taking off the Duty on 
Skins exported & of raising 40 Men and sending them to the Creek Nation 
to protect their Trade; After the Horse is stole they are for shutting 
the Stable Door. What will be the Result of these things I can't deter 
mine, but this I can assure You that after all they can trade with the 
Creeks Chickesaws and Cherokees from this place 20 to 2$ p Ct. cheaper 
than they can from Charles Town notwithstanding the Encouragement they 

 48 (71) 

talk of giving. 

Some Gentlemen of Charles Town have sent down here pretty con 
siderable Cargoes of Indian Trpding Goods which pre sold to the Traders 
at a very little advance from the Prime Cost, this I suppose is done to 
prejudice me and is the Result of a Plot vhich I have heard they have 
laid against me, end has had its Effect; For I hpve sold no Goods since 
I came down for they have sold every thing 50 p Ct. cheaper than usual 
and it will Spoil the Trade. But I have a Counterplot agpinst them 
which as soon as I hear from the Trustees or Mr. Oglethorpe I may put in 
Execution and I (72) shall then communicate the same to You. 

I very much desire to have the Trustees Resolution and shall not 
be very easy in xy Mind till I receive it. If Capt. Vathing should "be 
in England I desire You will convey the inclosed Letter to hin. I am 

Sir 

Your most humble Servt. 

I have some reason to believe that one Houstoun a Scotch Man that sold 
these Goods to the Traders at so cheap a rate is entring into a Partner 
ship with Hackpy the Agent and William Mackenzie in Charles Town, and 
that the former has "by this opportunity wrote to one Mackenzie, I do 
suppose the Brother of George for a large parcel of Indian Trading 
Goods. If You understand that the Trustees has granted me Liberty for 
the sole Trade of Alatamaha River, I would have You give it out and 
thereby I should be able to engross the Trpde because 'twill save the 
travelling of 260 miles going and coming for themselves & Pack Horses. 

 49 (73) 

Copy of a Letter from Mr. Joseph Fitzwelter to Mr. Ogiethorpe dated at 
Savannah 4th July 1?35. 

Honoured Sir 

After my Duty is presented to You and the rest of the Trustees 
This is to acquaint your Honours thpt I am disappointed, by Mr. Amatis 
in carrying on the Business your Honours ordered. I wrote to your 
Honours about the same by Capt. Yoakley & Capt. Dunbar but have had no 
Instructions from your Honours. I always apprehended the Ground was for 
carrying on Botany and Kitchen Fhysick as well as Nursery of Plants; As 
for the Silk Business I know nothing of it, but I do assure Your Honours 
that as for a Tree, Plant or any other Vegetable Mr. Anptis is a 
Stranger as much as him that never knew any thing of the art of 3a.rden- 
ing. Hr. Vest who is Bearer hereof will inform your Honours of any 
thing that You ask. I humbly beg Lesve of your Honours that in January 
next I may come to England to Settle my Aff&irs there and then to 
return and spend the Residue of my time in Georgia, as long as God 
shall think fit to spare my Life. I hope your Honours will not take it 
amiss of my Marriage in this Province without first having your Honour's 
Consent; The 8th of April lest I wps married by Mr. Quincy, to Tuscanie's 
Eldest Daughter, Niece to Skee and Talofaleche; Tomo Chachi was the 
Person who gave her in Marriage, present the Queen, Mr. Montagute/ and 
iixigy Lady, Mr. Causton and Spouse, Hr. West and Spouse and several 
others of this Province. The Indian Chiefs of the Upper and Lower 
Creeks express themselves (?4) with a ^.reat deal of Satisfaction. It is 
to be hoped that time will wea.r off her Savage Way of Living; It has 
been no small Rxpence to me amongst the Indians, and I hope that your 

 30 

Honours will be assisting to me, without which I cannot do any thing. 
The Indians are very much for my going to the ation to trade with them, 
but I refer that to your tetter Judgement, being unwilling to do any 
thing without your Instructions. 

I should have sent dm my Journal by Mr. West cut the Business of 
the Day being tiresome and Rest at night reviving for the next Dsy, 
Employ is the only Reason I could not finish it time enough to come by 
him; but hope that I shall bring it my self with a great deal of Satis 
faction to your Honours. 

The Ground produces beyond every one's Expectation, and every 
body is very industrious upon their Lots both Town and Country in gen 
eral, Bread kind here will be raised this year more than the Inhabitants 
can use; I hsve seen all in general and believe it to be so. We have bad 
a very hot dry Spring but now the Weather is seasonable and cold. I 
cannot find but People in England are subject to ?evers either Spring or 
Fall as well as here, so thet when the appointed time comes we must 
Submit to him thnt made all things. 

I assure your Honours that it is my Study Night and Day for the 
well doing of the pD=ce, and whatever the Magistrates of the place order 
me about I readily comply with. I hope your Honours don*t forget the 
Ordering of the Payment of my Salary. 

I pray God bless your Honours, pnd I wish (?$) your Honours your 
Healths to see the handy Works of Labour flourish, that You may see a 
People You may call your own. 

I am 

Your Honour's 

Most Obedient and Dutifull Servant 

 31 (77) 

Copy of a Letter from Lieut. Govr. Broughton to C^pt. Patrick Macltay 
dated Council Chamber 4th July 1735* 

Sir 

It is no less Surprising to me then it is to His Mpjesty's Coun 
cil, I have regular Complaints Ipid before this Board proved upon Oath, 
as veil by many of the Merchants in this Town as by several Indian 
Traders who had given Security for their good Behaviour and were 
licenced according to our Lpw to Tr^de smong the Creek Indians, that You 
hn.ve in sn arbitrary and violent manner not only forced those Traders 
and several others, not yet come to Town, out of the said Na.tion with all 
their Goods and Effects to their grest Loss & Damage; but h^ve threpten'd 

them in a peremptory manner that if they presume to return to trade in 

i 
th&t Nation with a Licence from this Government that You vill Seize their 

Horses and Effects, for which You can have no Authority; And though You 
have done those things under Pretence of regulating the Trade by reduc 
ing the Numbers of Traders, yet it appears to me and his Majesty's 
Council that You have already showed your self partial therein, and that 
only a certain small Number entering into Company at your Instigation 
and taking a Licence from the Colony of Georgia is intended by You to 
reap the Benefit of that Trade with the Creek or Chickesaw Indians. 

These illegal Proceedings against His Majesty's Subjects of this 

Colony, trading with a (?S) free Peoole in Amit^ with the same & con- 

' 

formable to the Laws of this Province and pursuant to an Order sent 

this Government by her late Majesty Queen Ann in Council wherein all 
Interruption was forbid to be given to sny of her Majesty's Subjects to 
tra.de with the Indians; require me immediately to interpose therein, not 

 32 (78) 

only to protect the Trade of this Colony which is free to ell His 
Majesty's Liege Subjects, but also to defend their Persons from the 
Violence of those who act without any Legal Authority and that are not 
immediately within the Reach of the Laws of Great Britain and those of 
this Province. And tnerefore to prevent the great Loss and Damage 
that must soon ensue to the said Complaints in case they have not the 
free Liberty to trade with those Rations of Indians as usual, and that 
You may not plead Ignorance of the lawfull end just Right this Province 
still hath and doth claim in sending Goods to trade with those Indians, 
exclusive of the pretended Right You claim as belonging to Georgia. I 
do now inform You with the Advice of His Majesty's Council that such of 
His Majesty's Subjects in this Province, applying for Licence and 
giving Security for their good behaviour among the said Indians accord 
ing to our Law, shall have free Liberty from this Government to go and 
trade therewith and that I do expect You will give no Molestation nor 
Interruption to them, as this Government on the contrary will be obliged 
to take such Measures as will effectually prevent the Traders fitted out 
from hence meeting with any Disturbances. (79) 

I herewith send You a Copy of a Letter just now rec*d. from the 
Commander at Mobile, by which You will see how your Actions a.nd Talks 
given those Indians h^ve given Offence to the French Government there; 
You know best how deserving You ere of that Charge, as well as to that 
laid to You by the Governor of St. Augustine, on Account of the late 
Mischief done by the Spaniards; Both which I shall be sorry to find 
through your Indiscretion and want of Experience You are deserving of, 
lest in this time of Peace we should with the Colony of Georgia be 

 53 (79) 

involved in having those Injurys revenged on our out Inhabitants. 

I am told since I came to Town that His Majesty's Attorney 
General is gone to Georgia, to whom I enclose this Letter to be Delivered 
to You, by whom I expect your Answer to this. 

I am 

Sir 

Yours &c. 

P;S: I must inform You that when this Governmt. agreed to give the 
Trustees of Georgia. 7 or 8,000 L in Consideration of Mr. Cglethorpe's 
Undertaking to erect a Fort and Garrison in the Upper Creek Nation, it 
was never intended by this Government that His Majesty's Subjects 
therein should be excluded and debarred from trp&ing among those In 
dians as &sual, nor that the Officer of that Garrison should be cloathed 
with any such Power over the Traders as they now complain You have 
exerted against them. 

(81) Copy of Jeremiah Hott's Affidavit. 4th July 1735. 

So. Carolina 
Before the Honble. Thos. Broughton Esqr. Lieutenant Governor. 

Personally appeared Jeremiah Nott Indian Trader who being duly 
sworn declares vizt. 

That he has used and been a Trader under & in the Creek Nation 
ever since the Year 1728 or thereabouts, and that in all things he has so 
behaved as to give no Cause of Complaint agsinst him. 

That he sometime about the month of July last took out a Licence 

 34 (81) 

from this Province of South Carolina, by which he was permitted to trade 
in the Cahabawhatchee Town in the Upper Creeks; that he continued, 
there so trading until the latter Bad of March last past, at which time 
there came one Nicholas Fisher and in the Npme of Patrick Mackay Served 
this Deponent i..lth a Warrant under the Hand and Seal of the said Patrick 
Mackay, commanding this Deponent immediately on sight thereof to move 
himself his Goods and Horses from the Cahebawhatchee Town to the 
Wehokees & there to remain until further Orders and thereof not to fail 
at his Peril. 

And accordingly with all convenient Speed he the scid Jeremiah 
Hott did remove all his Effects, not so much as trading for one Skin 
after; And in crossing the Coosaw River with his Goods his Canoe wss 
overset and he lost in Goods to the Value of 200 wt. of Deer Skins, and 
at lust got to the Wehokees (82) and there remained until the Beginning 
of April, at which time he was showed a Letter directed to Archibald 
McGilvery requiring him and all the Traders in the Upper Creeks to meet 
the said Mackay at a place called the half Way House in order to conduct 
the said Kackay into that Nation; And accordingly this Deponent went and 
several others met him and accompany*d him to the Follooses in the Creek 
Nation. 

About two days after they were all Summoned to meet to the 
Number of about 12 Men, accordingly they met and the said Patrick Mackay 
gave them s Talk, the Purport of which wss that he had heard gome Men in 
that Nation had received Letters from Carolina intimating to them thut 
he the said Patrick Mackay had nothing to do with the Trade of that 
Nation, that he was sent there only to get a Fort built &c. He therefore 

 55 (82) 

demanded to know which of all those then present would refuse to go down 
to Georgia., on which there wss a profound Silence for some time and then 
this Deponent spoke Saying, he "believed it did not Signify whether they 
went to Georgia or Caroline, for it was all one King's Government: Upon 
which the said Mackay replied a.nd said that there was several Gentlemen 
then in Company pointing to one Thomas Goodall and others that had 
heard the Eonble. James Oglethorpe Esqr. spy, and that they very well 
knew that the Indian Trede did "belong to Georgia and thr-t it solely 
belonged to them but Carolina had beg'd that they might have Liberty to 
grant Licences for that year, but that they had no more to do there now; 
On which Thomas Goodall said he had hesrd (83) Mr. Oglethorpe say the 
same and. he knew it to be true. 

Some time after being at the Ofuskees st another meeting, the 
said Patrick Mackay being present aiid Thomas Goodall, Martin Kane, Thos. 
Wiggin and severs! others, there was Discourse about those Gentlemen 
that had entered into a Company, & some one that was then present said 
they did Suppose that notwithstanding their being in Company yet 
Carolina would grant Licences and sent out Traders, or Words to that 
Effect; The said Hackay answered and said that if any Person or Persons 
should come frons Carolina with Licence from that Government to trade in 
th^t Nation, he would Seize their Horses & Effects. And this Deponent 
further declnres that he has been geverel times, whilst he staid in the 
Nation, spoke to by Thomas Wiggin Thomas Goodall & others belonging to 
the Company in a threatening mpnner, assuring him that if ever he came 
there into that Nation to trade any more, his Effects would certainly be 
Seised; And this he apprehended was done with a Design to deter him 

 36 (83) 

from the Trade. 

This Deponent further declares that after having broke up his 
Store and "being in Company with the said Hacks;.'', he told him that he 
"believed he had been misinformed about him that caused him to send a 
Warrant, or Words to thpt Effect; And that he could undeceive him. The 
said Mackay replyed that he would argue that Csuee with him another time, 
"but never spoke one word to him sftervards about it; but pbout the l4th 
of May he sent him Word to depart the Nation with ?11 his Effects. (84) 

This Deponent then having by reason of the aforesaid Orders 
several of his Goods left unsold, he endeavoured to Sell the seme; 
which he at last did, but to the white People for less than the prime 
Cost expecting never to go up agrin, by which means the lost above ^00 
wt. of Deer Skins besides further Damage. 

Sworn "before me in the Council 
Chamber 4th July 1?33. 

(85) Copy of a Letter from Mr. Paul Amatis to the Trustees dated at 
Savannah 3th July 1733* 

Gentlemen 

During the months of July and August very little Expences are 
required for your Garden, the Heat "being so great as not to permit white 
Men to work in the Fields or Gardens ft that time: But after that, as I 
hove but two &HXx Servants pnd they are taken from me from time to tine, 
I phall be obliged to make more Expences end work hard to transplant 

 57 (83) 

the Trees &c. in the test Order I can. 

After the Garden is put in the best Order if Your Honours will 
order an Examination of what has been done, and if it is found that un 
necessary Charges have been made I am willing that it should be on my 
own Account, but in the mean time it is highly necessary thst your 
Honours give positive Orders that no Person whatsoever shall take from 
the Garden any Tree^, Plpnts, Greens, Roots or eny thing whatsoever; 
Also that none of the Fruit be destroyed before it is ripe, or even 
when it is ripe, a.s it has been done heretofore. It is a disBir-1 Con 
sideration for me to think that I tpke so much Pains to cultivate such 
vast Numbers of Trees and Plants, and that every body may do what they 
please; Your Honours may perhaps think I deserve blame for Suffering it, 
to which with humble Submission I answer. 

I am told the Garden is for the Publick and free for every one, 
though I must own I cannot conceive that You will readily consent that 
all Persons whatsoever may take and strip the Garden of all its Produce. 
Your Answer thereon is earnestly desired by me. 

As from time to time there arrives several Strangers here and not 
knowing where to get (86) their Bread they are generally sent to me to be 
employed in your Garden till they can elsewhere find Employment; To 
encourage People to come to this Colony I accept of their Services for 
some time as Your Honours may See by my Accot.; I pay them but L 10 
Currency p month with the Provisions from the Store. Mr. Fitzwalter has 
hired several at 1/6 Sterl. p Diem, with Provisions. 

I beg that I may Iwe your Answer and know if You are any ways 
displeased at me, that I may be able both to vindicate my self and take 

 38 (86) 

such measures a.s to give You the best and the greatest Satisfaction. 

I shall "be obliged next Fall to put Your Honours to some addi 
tional Expences in relation to your Garden. The Soil at Top is Sandy 
and not good enough for all Sorts of Plants without taking vast Ppins. 
What I design to d03s to put some of the Swamp into the Holes where I 
design to transplant the Trees; And I must acquaint your Honours that I 
adtg ought to have alwpys Two men to water the Garden. I doubt not but 
You know that to have such a large Garden as 10 Acres taken Care off 
and improved, there must be en assiduous Care and necessary Persons; end 
therefore it requires 4 Domestick Servants at lepst for two Years 
longer, for there must be a great deal of work done there during that 
time. It will be a great work to clear the lower part which is a 
Swamp. 

If your Honours would please to Send me some young Trees and 
Plsjnts of the Growth of Europe, and above all Vines, I assure You I 
shall take a specipl Care to transplant them. I shall not do as Mr. 
Fitzwalter has done of those th^t have been sent him, which have been 
ms.de Presents to I know not who and the Remainder have perished. I 
assure You upon the Word of an honest man, that there (8?) are but 
three of those Plants in the Garden, except those th?t I have brought up 
and cultivated, which are vastly numerous. 

Please to consider the PpAns I hpve taken & still continue to 
take, but I am sorry that I am obliged to acquaint You that if Mr. 
Fitzwalter still remains in the Garden, after the many Insults I have 
received from him, I will leave off ecting there after I hsiB rec'd. 
your Honour's Orders. 

 39 (87) 

Inclosed is the Memorandum that I was obliged to present to the 
Court in relation to Mr. Fitzwalter, to let the Freeholders know how 
much at heart I hsd your Interest and theirs also. 

No Body knows the 3xpences I have teen obliged to msJke at 
Charles Town and here to cultivate and nurse young -txy Trees for your 
Garden, and all for the Interest ?jid Advantage of this Colony. 

If any of the Honble. Trustees come here I humbly offer my 
House, which indeed is your own & which I am endeavouring to put in the 
best Order I cpn, both for Conveniency and Neatness. It will be a 
singular Pleasure to me to have the Honour of entertaining so great and 
honourable Guests. 

I hope with Patience and the Blessing of God I shall bring my 
Undertaking to a happy Issue, to the Glory of your Honours in particular 
and of all the whole British Nption in general. 

This moment I was served with a Warrant from Mr. Cp.uston who does 
whatever he can to oblige me to lesve the Colony pgainst my Inclination; 
If Your Honours suffer me to be daily insulted by such a Person as he my 
Intent is to destroy all that I have hitherto done, though with so much 
Labour, my Substance and the Prime of my youthfull Days. Although I 
cannot have Satisfaction from him at present, I as a true Piedmontese 
will not (88) forget him in haste nor easily put up the Affront of a 
Man whose Behaviour is such that he encreases daily the Number of his 
Enemies here; And tho' he msy as I pm informed write You Letters in his 
own Praise, was You to make a strict Enquiry into all his Irs.nsa,ctions 
here I conceive he might not come off to your Satisfaction. 

Inclosed is the Copy of the Warrant to Shew You in what manner he 

 60 (88) 

uses his Authority in an Affair so uncertain and properly an Error. 
If I owe Mr, Chardon that money I only desire he will shew his Accompt 
and I will endeavour to Satisfy him, knowing full well th?t amongst 
honest men Errors are no Ppyments. 

I know very well the Occasion of this last Affront was that 
Chprdon and Causton were afraid I should depart hence for London in 
Cept. Thomson to exhibit my Complaints in Person better than I can do in 
the narrow Confine of a Letter. But I heve considered thpt if I under 
took that Voyage I could not be back in time end proper Season to do the 
needfull Business to your Garden in transplanting and putting it in the 
best Order I could, I therefore stay in this Colony thus. Je reste pour 
le "present dans_ cette Colonie__o,ue cpmme LjCi^sseau sur la_ Branche pret a 
Senvoler dans L*Endroit on jl troumera plus de_ Reics. 

I am most respectfully 

Gentlemen 

Your most Devoted humble Servant 

(89) Copy of a Letter from Mr. Noble Jones to Mr. Oglethorpe d?ted at 
Savannah 6th July 1?35* 

Honoured Sir 

I ta.ke this opportunity by Mr. West of shewing my Gratitude for 
the past favours which I am incapable of making any other Retpliation 
for thpn by acknowledging, and beg Leave to acquaint your Honour with 
some of my Proceedings since I had the misfortune to lose your Honours 
Assistance. 

 61 (8?) 

I continue to go on (as near as I am capable) by the same Roles 
as your Honour was pleased to prescribe, tho' I have met with some 
Difficsltys. 

I have had some Trouble with the two Mr. Parkers the particu 
lars of which I have sent to the Honble. Trustees, I have done my 
Endeavour to Stick close to the Instructions I rec'd. from your 
Honour. 

As Attorney and Agent to Tomo Chachi and his People I have at 
all times assisted to my utmost to See Justice done, the Particulars 
of which I don't doubt but Mr. Recorder has informed You in his Accot. 
of the Court Proceedings, as my Suing every one whom I find any ways 
offer to oppress them either by cutting down Trees on their Land, 
Stealing their Canoes or any like Offences. I have brought several 
Actions against Capt. Watson, Wiggan, Col. Priolove*s Negroe and others; 
I do any business for them that they desire. I sent by Capt. Dunbar a 
Letter of Thanks (which I wrote from Tomo Chachi's Words) to the Honble. 
Trustees for the many favours they had bestowed upon him. 

As Ranger I do my constant Endeavour to prevent any Depredations 
being committed in any part of the Province, particularly the Cutting 
down Cypress and Live Oak Trees; I have been (90) twice to the most 
Southern parts of the Province, the first time upon an Alarm with about 
50 Hen (all Volunteers except the Scout Boat) the particulars of which 
Voyage, for fear a false Accot. should come to your Hands, I will Send 
by the next; The second time was with Capt. Dunbar, who I don't doubt 
has informed You. thereof before now. We have an Account that some 
Yamasee Indians, Supposed to be the same that killed Tomo Chachi*e 

 (90) 

People, are now Sculking about Fort Argyle on that River, I therefore 
Set out to morrow with Mr. Spangenberg to run out Count Zinzendorff's 
Land, he having cleared above 3 Acres of his own Garden Lot; At the 
same time to See if we can come up with those Strollers who come to Spy 
and disturb our Peace, as Ranger I always think it my particular Duty 
to be the first out on those Occasions. 

Mr. Jonathan Brian has been up and has made 3 or 4 Canoes for 
which he says he has your Honours Orders to take as many as he pleases, 
I knowing your Honour did give him 5 Trees formerly and he being a 
Person that You respected I did not dispute it, but forbad any one in 
his Name or by his Licence to do the same. Mr. Augustine pretended to 
the same but I as yet have not had faith to believe him; Capt. Fergnson 
says your Honour granted him one, I let him have it but have charged 
him Dr. for it till I receive your Orders; I have done the same with 
Mr. Lacy of Thunderbolt. I should be glad if your Honour would favour 
me with an Account of as many of those Orders as your Honour shall 
think fit to grant. 

Mr. Augustine having your Honour* s Letter concerning Sir Francis 
Ant Bathurst, I have run Sir Francis 200 Acres by his Direction & Sir 
Francis (91) has made large Improvement thereon considering he has lost 
by Death two of his three Servants. 

I have had bad Success with Servants, the old man continued sick 
from the time I first had him till his Death, so that with him that 
dyed before I have now left but two and those have been sick and as soon 
as well are always in some Contrivance, they have rob'd me and others 
and run away but I have them both now but am forced to keep one of them 

 63 (9D 

with a Chain on his Leg; It has retarded me vastly in my business, I 
employed Ford to assist me but what he did for me cost me above three 
times what I had for it; If I could get a sufficient Number of Servants 
I don't doubt doing well. I understand Mr. Gordon made a large Sum by 
his Prospect of Savannah, I always thought him a Man of more Honour 
than to enfringe so much on any Man's Right, L 100 it is said he got by 
it. Which has set a certain Person who has the keeping the Register 
Book to fall upon the aoz same Practice here, which makes me cautious 
how I put any Platts in it. 

As I am resolved to write to your Honour and the Honble. Trustees 
every Opportunity I shall refer your Honour to my next, in which I 
intend to be more full; till which time and for ever that God will 
bless and prosper your Honour and all the rest of the Honble. Trustees 
is the constant Prayer of him that desires nothing so much as to be 
counted amongst Tour Honours faithfull Servants. 

Your Honours most humble 
and most Dutifull Servt. 

As all the Words I could speak were not sufficient for (92) some People 
I have set up some Advertisements, the following are Copys of them 
which I thought proper to send your Honour for Approbation. We have a 
Rumour here that there is a bounty granted upon Live Oak, which has made 
some Persons here to go about this Province in Qaest of the best, for 
which Reason I have caused the last of these Advertisements to be Stuck 
up in all the out Villages and have given one to each Tythingman. 

This is to give Notice That if any Person whomsoever after the 
Publication hereof shall cut down deface or destroy any of the Trees or 

 64 (92) 

commit any Trespass on any of the ^ands now most immediately in posses 
sion of Tomo Chachl King of Yamacraw or any of his People, which said 
Lands are bounded by a % blaz'd Line (distinguished by a red Cross) on 
the East Side thereof abutting to the Common of the Town of Savannah, 
by a Road or High way leading from the said Common to the Plantation of 
Mrs. Musgrove (commonly called Musgrove*s Cowpen) on the South, by a 
Creek (commonly called the Indian Creek) on the West, and on the North 
by the River Savannah; They will be prosecuted for the same with the 
utmost Severity. 

p Noble Jones Agent for the Indians. 
Savannah 

3d July 1733. 

(93) Copy of a Letter from Mr. Thomas Christie to the Trustees dated at 
Savannah 6th July 1735. 

Most Honoured Sirs 

We had the Honour of yours directed to the Bayliffs and Recorder 
under the Seal of the Common Council dated 17th March. I conceived it 
our Du.ty that we should all joyn in an Answer to your Honours, but 
since that has been postponed I crave Leave with Submission to inform 
your Honours; That soon after your Letter was received it was read in 
Court, that the inclosed Order was made thereupon; And no Proceedings 
shall be had in that Affair till your Honour's special Commission 
arrives. The Confinement of Watson within our own Province was owing 
to my Advice to Mr. Causton, and it is a great Satisfaction to us it 

 63 (93) 

meets with your Honour's Approbation. I shall always endeavour to 
prefer the Publick Good to any private Interest. 

I take this opportunity likewise to send inclosed to your 
Honours Copies of several publick Orders. The Copy of the Lieut. Govrs. 
Letter of South Carolina to us, the Copy of Capt. Mackintosh's Commis 
sion, the Speech of the Upper Creeks and the Speech of the Lower Creeks 
are put into Mr. Causton's Box the Examination of Licha. the Indian & 
Jehu Barton the Interpreter who we have obliged to enter into Recog 
nizance, and several other Aathentlck Papers which Tour Honours may have 
Occasion for. 

I have with Mr. Vanderplank Signed the Cash Accompts of Mr. 
Causton from 26th May to 24th June Cr. L 41,848:19: 7- Dr. 
t 43,708:16:10. (94) 

We doubt not but Your Honours will soon give Directions as to 
the Indian Trade; I can assure your Honours the Magistrates of them 
selves have taken no other Step therein than a Letter wrote to Brown and 
Compa., the Copy of which I thought not amiss to Send inclosed. The 
Colony is in Peace & Quietness, and we esteem our selves thrice happy to 
be under so wise and prudent Government. I beg Leave to Subscribe 
myself 

Your Honours 

Most Obliged and very 
humble Servant 

 66 (97) 

Copy of a Letter from Mr. Paul Amatis to the Trustees dated at Savannah 
30th June 1733. With Postscript 7 July 

Gentlemen 

I am constrained against my Inclination to trouble Your Honours 
with this Letter occasioned through the Spite and malicious Endeavours 
of Mr. Causton to teaze and perplex me. 

The Honble. Mr. Oglethorpe assured me when he was last at Charles 
Town that You had Ten Servants here. Six of which were to be employed 
according to Your Orders and the four others under zaqcxB my Direction 
to clear cultivate and put xnat in a proper and handsome Order Your 
Garden here. But since Capt. Dunbar's Arrival Six of the Servants have 
been taken from the Garden to Serve at the Crane, which Service if I am 
not mistaken has been of little Use to your Interest for they have 
chiefly been employed in making Pitch and Tarr for Causton & Compa. As 
for the four which I was to keep in your Garden under my Direction Mr. 
Causton and Mr. Fitzwalter have generally employed them for their 
Pleasure, I have complained to both at Sundry times but have always 
been abused with ill Words for having your Interest and my Duty at 
Heart. 

Yesterday and the Day before having removed to another House to 
be nearer to your Garden I took two of your Servants to help me in 
moving my Goods, which Action of mine was so displeasing to Causton 
that he was resolved to revenge himself; & not having Sufficient 
Authority to do it on me he immediately fixes the same on the two 
Servants on a Pretence of not Coming when he sent for them, and for 
killing some Hogs in your Garden who had done a considerable Damage 

 67 (97) 

there, for which I ordered (98) the Servants whenever they came again to 
kill them which accordingly they did in Obedience to the Order I gave 
them which my Duty and your Interest obliged me to do, those Hogs having 

destroyed abundance of young Trees, Plants, Melons &c. The Trees being 

hard 
of very great Value and/haooot to raise I thought the Loss of the Hogs 

was no proportion to the Value thereof, but still to make it less Notice 
was immediately given as soon as killed that the Owners might take them 
up and make the most they could of them; So that in short it was little 
or no Loss to them, but to your Garden it was a very considerable one 
and might still have been encreasing had I not prevented it in time. 
Mr. Causton immediateJy (and I believe without any Tryal) ordered the 
two Servants to be tyed to Trees, one of them was unmercifully whipt 
with 101 Lashes which made him utter such Cries and Groans that I could 
not bear to hear him, the other had 21 Lashes was a poor sickly Fellow 
who was not yet recovered of a Fever and could hardly crawl. So much 
Barbarity and Cruelty which I never was acquainted with, and with which 
I did not think that an English man could be so tyrannical to inflict; 
Together with the many Insults I have received and the many more I may 
perhaps expect made me resolve to retire to Purysburgh, for I perceive 
the Colony will greatly Suffer under the Administration of a Man who 
seems to think no Pleasure so great as Punishing with the utmost 
Severity, but shews no Delight in any kind Actions. 

I wish that before a Trustee or some eminent Person arrives here 
some Disorders may not happen. My Reason for retiring to Purysburgh is 
partly that I may no ways have any hand, or be in the way to have any 
Concern, or be wrapt up in the Dispute, Animosities and perhaps worse 

 68 (98) 

that may happen here. 'Tie generally wished that Your Honours would 
(99) quickly send a Person of Worth, Weight and Prudence to govern this 
Place according to Justice & the Laws of Great Britain. 

To You therefore as Patrons and Fathers of this Colony We mist 
apply to redress our Grievances, and to provide for the Security and 
Welfare of an Infant Colony who might be a rising one has the best 
Prospect of it now, if not crushed thro* the Cruelty &c. of a Person 
unqualified for Government. 

Let the Consequence be what it will, when I leave this place, I 
shall still study contrive and put in Execution all in ay Power for the 
Benefit of your Garden, and will still visit the same as often as I can 
that I may have the Glory of being instrumental to the Good of so many 
poor Families in particular & to the whole Kingdom of Great Britain in 
general. 

I don't design to get any more Silk spun till I hear from your 
Honours to whom I have wrote many Letters without having the Pleasure of 
an Answer; or till another Person arrives here who say be more civilized 
and hath a greater Desire to do Justice and get the good Will of the 
People, as well as make his Fortune. 

Please to enquire of my Character either at Purysburgh or here, 
or both; I except none but Causton and Fitzwalter and I will stand or 
fall thereby. 

Your Honours may depend the Silk Manufacture will do extreamly 
well here if encouraged, but some small additional Charges is required 
as the same goes forward, and without Money I can do nothing. I con 
ceive that You will never Suffer so beneficial an Undertaking, which has 

 69 (99) 

so great a Prospect, to fail for want of your Countenance, Encouragement 
or Supply of Money. I am not begging for my self tut for the Benefit 
and Advantage of all those who (100) shall have a Share in the Success 
and Blessing of this Undertaking. 

I must beg Pavdon if I take too great a Freedom in Expressing my 
self thus. That it is highly necessary I should have a sufficient 
Number of Servants under my Care, no ways at the Command of any other 
whatsoever, and that I should be Supply*d sufficiently to pay the Neces 
sary Charges. Which two Articles ^ if your Honours please to grant me, 
I am big with Hopes of Seeing my Labour & Industry crown'd with Success; 
With less Charges and Cost than Tybee Light House, on which has been laid 
out of the Publick Money about L 1,300 Sterling and has not Two foot 
built above Ground, nor according to Human Appearance the Work will 
never come to a Period till a Trustee or a Man of Prudence, Weight and 
Judgement comes here. Whereas my Labour and Industry plainly appear to 
all Mankind that will take the Trouble of looking into it. 

If You fail in which I desire I plainly declare that to my very 
great Sorrow and the Loss, vast as it will be to the Colony, I can't 
expect any Good from this Undertaking. 

'Tis about 6 months since Fitzwalter has done any Service in your 
Garden, and I dare him to shew that he has done the Value of t 5 Sterlg. 
Service there. I thought considering his Pay he might have endeavoured 
to have done something for it. 

Let me beg of Your Honours to let me hear from You that I may 
know how to Steer my future Course and endeavour to give You the best 
Satisfaction I can. 

 70 (100) 

I have not sent You my Journal lest it might fall into the hands 
of Mr. Causton and he should keep it tack, it being hazardous and almost 
not to be expected to have free Conveyance of Letters. The People (101) 
here look on this as a Grievance not to be born in England, and from 
which they hope Your Honours will relieve them. I do not at present 
enter into his other Affairs, tho' as to his Aecots. some will venture 
to say, if a strict Enquiry is made, he will be found wanting. However 
it is not my business, I am only carrying on the Work that I have began; 
So long wished for in England, even the Establishing the Silk Manufac 
ture in this Infant Colony. I am with the greatest Respect 

Gentn. 

Your most Obedient & 
Devoted humble Servant 
P.S. 

July ?th. This moment I received a Letter from Charles Town that my 
Bills on your Honours cannot be negotiated, which is a vast Disappointmt. 
to me. Please to consider that it is a hard Case for me to lay out 
Money out of my own Pocket to Serve the Colony without taking a Farthing 
of Interest, and when I am in the utmost Want of it cannot get it in. 
I beg You would remove this Difficulty otherwise it will be my Ruin, 
and I must of Course abandon all that I have already done with so much 
Pains and Cost. 

In order to carry on the Silk Manufacture next Year I shall want 
about 30*000 Bricks which may easily come in the Ships from London, it 
is to build a Fabrique in the manner as is done in Italy. 

 71 (102) 

Copy of Mr. Isaac Chardon *s RamaR Receipt. 

Rec'd. Febry. 13th 1734 of Mr. Paul Amatis his Note of Hand of 
this Date payable the 25th May 1735. for Three hundred and eighty one 
Pounds Eight Shillings which when paid will be the Balance due to me 
this day. 

Isaac Chardon 
L 381:8. 

To Pay Mr. Chardon I have sent him my Accompt on your Honours for 
t 399:8 Currency due to me the first of June last, for which he was to 
draw on You, for my last Quarter. Which if he has done I am no ways 
indebted to him but he is rather in my Debt L 18. Currency. I don't 
see therefore why a Warrant should be served on me (the Copy of which is 
on the other Side) when I intended not to depart this Colony; but if I 
am always used thus it will be the only way to Send me out of the Colony, 
for I never will Stay here long if Causton uses me as he does others who 
are not in a Capacity to help themselves. But I know that in Carolina I 
shall always be respected and all due and proper Encouragement given to 
my Industry. 

Copy of the Warrant. 

Province ) To John Vanderplank Constable 

of Georgia ) and all others whom it may Concern. 

Savannah ss. 

You are hereby commanded to bring Paul Amatis So that he appears 

 72 (103) 

personally before the Bayliffs and Recorder of this Town at the next 
Court to be holden for this Township, then and there to answer the 
Complaint of Isaac Chardon in an Action of Accompt for One Hundred 
Pounds Currency. And for your so doing this is your sufficient Warrant, 
certifying what You shall do in the Premisses. Given under my Hand and 
Seal the l?th Day of June 1733. 

Thos. Christie 

You are likewise not to Suffer 
him to Depart this Town 
without Order from soiae one 
of the Magistrates. 

(105) Copy of a Letter from ^r. Thomas Causton to Mr. Oglethorpe dated 
at Savannah July the 7th 1735. 

Sir 

Agreeable to your Honours Orders I bargained for a Frame of a 
House aanqEtziK completly fitt to be sett up any where for Mr. Mountagnte. 
But he Coming before the House was finished, upon Arrival desired he 
might have leave to Sett it up in this Town. 

In Regard that you was pleased to Order the House you lived in 
for his Residence whilst here and benefits that might 
arrise to this Town by his allways having a Supply of European Goods, I 
gave leave for him to sett it up at the Corner of that Ground joyning to 
the house. In this Case he made a new bargain with the Carpenter. I 
beleive he finds the Benefit of being here, but I dont find him 

 73 (103) 

Inclinable to Encourage Exportation from hence. 

Mr. Bryan seemed to take a great deal of Pains in procuring Rice 
for Mr. Symond's Ships, But there was many difficultys Started against 
Loading in this River; A great deal of pretended pains to bargain with 
an Officer to Stay on bard the Ship who was glad of a Perquisite because 
the Ship must go to Lisbon, and he must therefore Endorse both Marks 
and Numbers on the Certificate. Had not a quarrel happened which was 
like to be fatall, it had not been owned That there was any Orders to 
Load for London I assure you they might as easily &oot have Loaded two 
Ships as one But tho Mr. Montagut dont seem inclinable, either by 
imploylng the People or bying Skins and Goods for Exportation, some 
others are beginning and I dont doubt but we shall daily Encrease in 
Exports of the Grovth of the Colony some stages has been (106) Shiped 
off in a New York Vessell by Mr. Vanderplank, and he has imported 
Madera Wine in Returns some of which wines are now on board the two 
Brothers. 

I make it my bussiness to oblige Mr. Mountagut and his Lady by 
all the Methods I can devise. 

The Boy you was pleased to mention as a Gift to me is bound by 
Indenture to Mr. Mountagut and therefore denied me. 

No One has left the Colony but Cundall and Peircy Hill to this 
day. 

When Tommy Jones brought down the Indians he Insisted to have his 
Town Lott which you had granted him and was Registered in his Name. 

Collonell Bull being here, we endeavoured to persuade Robert 
Parker Senior to give him Possession, And by that means merritt a 

 74 (106) 

favour from the Trustees; I promised likewise to pay him for all Charges 
of fencing it in; But perswaaion would not do and Jones would not hear 
of any assurances I offered, That the Trustees would do better things 
for him Saying that which you gave him he expected. 

Parker before this had Verbally relinquished his Lett, because he 
would not be liable to be fined for not Serving as a jury man. So that 
in Consideration of the whole an Action of Tresspass and Ejectment was 
brought against Parker by Jones, to which Parker refused to appear and a 
Verdict passed against him for the Possession. 

Sir Francis Batharst and his Lady a"d Son are very well his two 
Daughters are married. Be is very well pleased with the Country and 
lives very Soberly and Contented he Cannot frame himself to Augustines 
Directions (10?) but manages his own Affairs very prudently he has lost 
all his Servants but one who is very ill jdncodbnc therefore I am 
obliged to help him in hoeing of his Corn. 

I have drawn on you a Bill payable to ^r. Jenys and Baker for 
forty pounds Sterling according to your Order and have applied it to the 
uses you order'd In which case (with Regard to the People in Town) I 
have allways Consulted the Magistrates. 

I have endeavoured to keep the people together with Success And 
my whole view has been to Encourage the Industrious and more especially 
the Planter. 

I fenced in a Large Calf Pasture to keep the Cattle that were 
hunted up from Rambling again; very few were found last year this 
year the woods were burnt and a great many Cattle discovered on Thunder 
bolt pine, I ordered a bread drift away to be Cutt through the thickwood 

 73 (107) 

from Colleton Bridge to the pine land and we have had great Success in 
bringing home the Cattle. 

We order'd that the people should pay the Pindar for a year 
HKKgx Hunting in hand besides a Shilling for branding, But I beleive 
the Pindar does not like his Office for he never SMdcg Stirs to fetch 
in the Cattle many people here are much altered in their Manners and 
Behaviour. 

The presents for the Indian Nation are all now delivered and Mrs. 
Musgrove has behaved very well. I have been much Obliged to her in that 
matter. Poor Johnny is dead of a Fever; As he was a Constable we buried 
him in a Military manner. 

Tomo Chachi and all the Indians continue to (108) behave ex- 
treamly veil and he is greatly Esteemed by all the Towns. I shall let 
nothing be wanting to preserve the good Understanding between us. 
Estinoleeche Accidently Shott himself when he was out, and is Dead 
Estiche is reconciled Mrs. Musgrove is Satisfied for the loss of her 
Slave, and Tallapholicha has Received the presents, That the Trustees 
Ordered with great thanks. 

Mr. West will be able to tell your Honours many particulars 
especially that of Mr. Gordon and Mr. Watson he has promised to shew 
you Mr. Gordons Letter to him a Coppy of which I have sent the Trustees 
It is impossible to express the Malignity that has arisen from that 
affair as well at Carolina as here. 

I am senseable that Malitious People invent Reproachfull Tales of 
me, But though I am very Cautious of exposing the Reputation of those 
who come at the Trustees expence, I shall never be afraid of punishing 

 76 (108) 

and threatening those Sad: Guilty of Crimes. 

The Refreshments of the Store are justly distributed according 
to the Peoples Rights. And beyond that nothing but their particular 
merritt for Publick Service or Real Necessity Recommends them, and I 
hope the Health of the People will in great Measure justifie the care 
that have been taken to have Sufficient of good Provisions. 

Mr. Spangenberg had his Town Lett sett out immediately after his 
arrivall. they are very industrious have planted three Acres of Corn 
and Pease which thrives very well. 

Mrs. Bland and her Son arrived at Charles Town she was so 

.'e-s, 
frighted with idle Store*, that I thought she would not have come near 

me, her Son delivered me your Letter. (10$) I took Care to have his 
Lott immediately sett out and Mr. Ever seen, Mr. Spangenberg, and he 
joins together the young man had. no Servant. Bat there was a German 
Family came with them for Purrisburgh who desired to Settle here as we 
had no power to grant Letts. The man has agreed to serve Bland for Six 
Months, and I am to provide him his wife and two Boys upon the Store on 
Blands account for Such Service till The Trustees pleasure be known 
which if you approve off he hopes will be granted, as this was done for 
Assistance to Bland I choose to Submitt it to your Honours Judgement 
in what manner to Represent it to the Trustees so that I may have 
Particular Orders what to do. Mrs. Bland is since come with her goods. 
I have taken a house for her and advanced her a little money But she is 
very troublesome to the whole Place and x* every one beleives her to be 
mad. 

Poor Dalmar is Dead and I have been much troubled to keep those 

 77 (109) 

People in Order, especially Headly who is now in Goal for his reapeated 
Disobedience to his Officer. He was ordered to make his Submission to 
his Officer and give Security for his good Behaviour. 

I am Sorry that I have Still occasion to complain of the Conduct 
of too many of the Military Officers. As most of them are unskilled in 
Military Exercise, they Ridicule those who would Enforce it But are 
Ambitious Enough at the same time to sett up the Military Power in 
Opposition to the Civil and will by no means think of living Conjunc- 
tig tively. 

Mx My time is to Short to Relate one half of what I ought But 
this Shall be immediately followed by the first Opportunity from Caro 
lina, And hope for ever to be numbred amongst 

Your most Obliged & most Obedt. Servant 

(113) Copy of a Letter from Mr. Elisha Dobree to the Trustees dated at 
Savannah 7th July 1735- 

Honoured Sirs 

I find that all the Accots. of your Stores are not sent You, and 
before they are or that You approve of them, I beg that You will hearken 
to what I shall now say. 

The Freeholders were to give Receipts for all the Provisions, but 
finding they were resolved positively not to do it, on pretence they had 
not their Due, the Matter dropt there. 

Yrom the Insight I have had of the Accots. in the Stores in 
which I have taken abundance of Pains almost to no Purpose (and not 

 78 (113) 

being a fit Tool to work with I was discharged, the Store) I find the 
Accots. will be very imperfect and therefore not exact or true, which 
two Articles are certainly required in all Accots. from the Experience 
I have had for 25 Years in Exchanges, Sales, Publick Accompts Ac. in 
short the most difficult and perplexing. 

If Your Honours will please to appoint Commissioners to examine 
into the Transactions of your Stores and the Publick Money, & name me 
for one and Mr. Robert Parker for another 4 or 5 New Comers and the 
others few Free Masons, and I will undertake to find out matter enough 
to acquaint Your Honours; For whom I shall think no Labour too heavy. 
I am most respectfully, tho* in great haste 

Gentlemen 

Your most Obliged and 
Devoted humble Servant 

(11?) Copy of a Letter from Mr. Elisha Dobree to Mr. Verelst dated at 
Savannah 8th July 1735* 

Sir 

Although I have not the honour to be particularly acquainted with 
You, I take the freedom to propose a close familiar and usefull corres 
pondence, your Acceptance of it will greatly oblige and be very delight- 
full to me. 

At this time this place is very sickly, there are dead of late 
Mr. Joseph Cowper, Johnson Dalmass, Richard Cannon, Samuel Penseyre, 
John Musgrove, DuGardin and his Wife, Kelloway, Francis Mugrldge, John 

 79 (117) 

Ambrose, Cadman; besides many others of less Note. Thomas Fawset and 
John Greedy are very ill, so is Dr. Tailfer. I thank God I have my 
Health as well as ever I had in England. 

We have had 16 Indian Traders here to whom Licences have been 
granted to trade in the Nations by Capt. Mackay; most of them are 
returned again, few remain here. 

Mr. Abercromby and Mr. Chardon arrived this day from Charles Town 
and talk of returning back tomorrow. 

This day the Guns were fired for Remembrance of opening the 
Court as on this day. 

I have little News at present worth acquainting You; There are 
about ?0 Tons of Timber vizt. Live Oak gone with Capt. Thomson. I wish 
I was acquainted with the Value of it in England I could send great 
Quantities to any Friend You would name. 

I wish You could Supply me with two good Bricklayer's, Sawyer's, 
Plaisterer's, or Cooper Servants, (118) it is they we want most at 
present. The Cost I would readily pay to the Captain, and I would 
always acknowledge this as an exceeding great favour. 

Pray if You know any News worth communicating I beg You will 
please to favour me therewith, and in any thing I can Serve You or any 
of your Friends please freely to command 

Sir 

Your most humble Servt. 
I have now several 100 Orange 
Plants of my own Growth, put in 
the Ground last Winter. 

 80 (118) 

I believe the Accompts You'll receive from the Trustees Store here will 
be very imperfect according to my knowledge of them, having canvass'd 
them over & indeed I do not know how they will be approved off at 
home. 

One Article about Tybee Light House is an heavy one, Some say 
L l^OO Sterling and hardly built above Ground; But this is no Business 
of mine and therefore I stop short. I shall only add that a good 
Accomptant in the Store would have been of Use both to Masters and 
Servants. 

Capt. Mackay the Agent for the Indian Affairs is preparing to set 
out for Alatamaha and beyond it as far as St. Juan near Augustine to pry 
into the Motions of the Indians and Spaniards. 

(121) Copy of a Letter from Mr. Elisha Dobree to Mr. Martyn dated at 
Savannah 9th July 1735* 

Sir 

As I am persuaded that the Honble. Trustees are desirous to know 
how this Colony goes on and all Transactions here written to them 
frequently; I take the Freedom to offer them my weak Services, and on 
the Receipt of their Commands with Licence that my Letters may have free 
Conveyance and not be intercepted or opened here, I will endeavour that 
not the least shall escape my Notice that is proper to write them, and 
if need be Copys shall be sent them. My Intent is to write without any 
Regard to Parties. 

I have often been told there was a Store of Indian Goods to be 

 t! 

81 (121) 

opened here; I could wish the Honble. Trustees would please to employ me 
in it. I have Reason to think that I am as well qualifyed for it as any 
in this Colony, having since my Infancy teen brought up to Merchandize 
and to the best Method of Bookkeeping. 

I was the first Merchant Adventurer here but through the Zhavery 
and ill Management of lynch who had my Concern in his hands I have been 
reduced to Such a Degree that it had been well for me if I never had had 
any Thoughts of this Colony, but since I am in it I would willingly stay 
in hopes times may mend. 

I am not strong enough for a Sawyer or any hard working Trade 
which at this time are much preferable to a Penman. I beg You'll read 
this Letter to the Board and withall acquaint them that no one Trader 
here has so well observed their Orders (122) in relation to the Prohi 
bition of Rum as I have done, and always will do. 

Your Answer to this Letter and your Interest with the Honble. 
Trustees in my favour will be ever acknowledge and shall endeavour to 
make such suitable Returns as the same deserves. I am most respectfully, 
tho' in great haste, Sir 

Your most humble Servt. 

If there be no Store here for Indian Goods I beg the Honble. Trustees 
would favour me with an Employ in any of the following 

Secretary of the Indian Trade 

Wharfinger 

Vendue Master 

Register 

Naval Officer 

 82 (122) 

Accomptant for the Estate and Effects of 
Widows and Orphans ^e. 

Clerk of the Assembly ) 

Province ) Or some Employ in 

Council ) either of these. 

) 
Surveyor*s Office ) 

Post Master 

Overseer of the Publick Works 

If none of these are to be obtained I humbly propose to the Trustees to 
grant me the Licence of an Indian Store in the next Town to the South 
ward in the same manner as was granted Mr. Musgrove here, also Lots 
(mine here being taken from me). (123) 

Yesterday sailed hence Capt. Thomson and with him Mr. West and 
his Wife. 

I wrote lately for Capt. Mackay 16 Licences for the Indian 
Traders who are (except three) retum'd some in the Nation and others to 
Charles Town. They took to the Value of about t 3,000 Currency of Goods 
from Mr. Houstoun here, little or none from Mr. Eveleigh. 
The following Ffeeholders are lately dead here 

Joseph Cowper DuGardin & his Wife 

Cole Francis Mugridge 
Richard Cannon Kelloway 
John Musgrove John *p^w Ambrose 
. Samuel Penseyre Johnson Dalmass of Skidoway. 
And Sundry others of less Note. 

Thomas Fausset is dangerously ill. 

I thank God I have my Health as well as ever I had in Great 

 83 (123) 

Britain; I chuae cool Liquors for my Drink which best agree with me. 

We greatly wish for more People coming over to Strengthen this 
place. 

Capt. Mackay is preparing to go as far as St. Juan near Augustine 
to Observe the Motions of the Spaniards. 

We have here a Scooner lately arrived from Jamaica for Mr. 
Eveleigh. 

Mr. Abercromby and Mr. Chardon arrived here two days since, are 
gone to Porysburgh and expected here back again in few days. 

(123) Copy of a Letter from the Govr. of St. Augustine to Lieut. Govr. 
Broughton Dated 10th July 1735. 

Sir 

I received your Excellency's Letter of the xx 13th May with great 
Pleasure, being thereby acquainted with the welcome News that His 
Britannick Majesty had conferred on You the Government of your Province 
in Consideration of your great Capacity and Talents, of which I have 
received an ample Account: I wish Your Excellency all manner of Satis 
faction and Success in Your Government. 

As to the Contents of your Excellency's Letter I cannot give any 
Answer to them by this opportunity having dispatch'd another Messenger 
to the Provinces, to find out and be certain who the Persons are who 
have committed the Outrages. As soon as I have a certain Account 
thereof, I shall give You Notice of it. 

 84 (123) 

I am desirous to find Opportunities to Serve your Excellency 
and am 

Your Excellency's very humble Servant 

(129) Copy of George Cassias's Affidavit 19th July 1735. 

Charles Town So. Carolina 

George Cussins being duly sworn on the Holy Evangelist of Almighty God 
declareth That on or about the 2?th day of May last whilst he was 
trading at the Chehaws and Oakmulgoes in the Lower Creek Nation pursuant 
to his Licence for that purpose on the behalf of the Estate of Lanclane 
McGillvery declared being employed on that Account by Messrs. Andrew 
Alien John Fraser and James Payne Executors to the said Estate, Mr. 
Patrick Mackay as Agent for Georgia did then come to their House in the 
said Nation where the said Cussins was trading and forbid the said Cussins 
to ^ trade any longer there And that he would not Suffer him any longer 
to trade under his Licence from So. Carolina; And accordingly ordered 
the said George Cussins to put aside what Goods he had under his Care 
belonging to the said Estate, and to take into the said House what Goods 
he the said Mackay should think fit. And accordingly the said Goods 
belonging to the said Estete were then put aside, and Mackay s Goods & 
them concerned with him were put into the said House, and from that time 
the said Cussins according to the said Mr. Mackay *s Order left off 
Trading as aforesaid. 

Sworn before me in Council 
the 19th of July 1?33. 

 83 (133) 

Copy of a Letter from the Magistrates of Georgia to Lieut. Govr. 
Broughton dated 21st July 1735. 

Sir 

Capt. Patrick Mackay, who is appointed by the Honble. Trustees 
for establishing this Colony to be their Agent in the Indian Nation, as 
also to command their Independent Company residing there, has laid 
before us Your Honour's Letters to him of the 2$th of April last & of 
the 4th instant; and has required our Advice with regard to the several 
matters therein contained. 

In sincere regard for the good Understanding that ought forever 
to Subsist between two Colonys so nearly joined, and because we would 
take all opportunitys in our power to preserve it, we hereby offer our 
Sentimts. and acquaint You; That before the Arrival of your Honour's 
Letter we were advised by Letters & other ways that some Spaniards and 
Indians had set upon some of our Neighbour Indians in one of their 
hunting Camps and had killed them, and that this was Supposed to be done 
in Revenge for that one Lika in the Indian Nation had killed a Spanish 
Centinell. 

When we had the Honour of Col. Bull's Company here we desired him 
to communicate to your Honour our Intention of enquiring into the 
matter, which we judged more especially necessary at this time being 
under an equal Uncertainty with You what Share Great Britain may have 
in the Troubles now Subsisting in Europe. As to what Grounds the People 
of Augustine have for Complaints the inclosed will shew You, that John 
Barton who was Interpreter for Mr. Mackay stands charged with Crimes for 
which he must answer; We have advised the Trustees of the Particulars of 

 86 (133) 

this Affair & have (134) Detained Barton in Expectation of their Orders 
concerning aCrime of so high a Nature done in their Service. 

As to Mr. Mackay's Conduct in the Indian Nation, and concerning 
which You say You expect his Answer to certain Complaints laid against 
him; We have carefully perused his Orders which he received from Mr. 
Oglethorpe, and with great Submission are of epinion that his Actions 
have not been as they are mentioned to be Charged in the Affidavits, & 
hope that your Honour will not very readily judge him culpable of what 
some disappointed People are pleased through malicious Views to Suggest 
or Swear; neither Suppose him to be answerable for Misconduct, but to 
those from whom and in whose Name he is authorized. 

As to the forbidding or denying that benefit which is due to all 
His Majesty*s Subjects trading with a free People in Amith with us, we 
beg Leave to assure You that we have not found he has attempted any such 
thing. 

As to the Removall of some of the Traders who like all the rest 
were licenced by the Government of Carolina, we Suppose he has given 
your Honour his Reasons for so doing; and your Honour no doubt is 
sensible how far an additional Number of Traders was and will be agreable 
to the Agreement You mention with Mr. Oglethorpe, and not think he has 
cloathed himself with any Authority contrary thereto, which known 
Justice of the Trustees famous for their Christian Generosity and 
Observpnce of their Word will never Suffer. 

And because we conceive that the Complaint which You mention is 
grounded on such Witnesses who through Greedinews of Gain think them 
selves (135) wrong*d when they are not Suffered to break through those 

 8? (133) 

just Regulations which might be proper for an A-ent to make; So humbly 
hope that You will prevent any Transactions that may tend to any Breach 
of Friendship, and not Suffer any private Interest whatsoever to give 
the least Disturbance to that Publick Peace, which we on our parts 
think is our Duty and Interest to preserve and maintain. 

If your Honour thinks proper to transmit to us any Complaint for 
Offences committed by any one residing in this Colony, either under 
Colour of the Trustees Orders or otherwise; We beg Leave to assure You 
that such Complaints shall always be especially enquired into and hpve 
their just weight. 

As we apprehend all Actions done by the Inhabitants of either of 
the two Colonys to the Injury of the other may be attended with fatal 
Consequences; And as such the Aggressors justly punished. We hereby 
declare that on our parts we will as in Duty bound endeavour to prevent 
any Trespasses on the just Power Priviledges and Possessions of the 
Trustees or of any of His Majesty's Subjects residing here, and embrace 
all opportunitys of punishing the Wrongs done by any one here to our 
Neighbour. 

These Sir are the measures we humbly think will be the truest 
Interest of both Colonies and therefore are persuaded that your Honour's 
Commands will be agreable thereto; And beg Leave to assure You that the 
Benefits this Colony has received from the favours of Carolina shall 
ever be remember'd with the sincerest Gratitude of 

Sir 

Yours &c. 

 88 (137) 

Copy of a Letter from Mr. Elisha Dobree to the Trustees dated at 
Savannah 24th July 1735. 

Gentlemen 

I am favoured with Mr. Martyn's Letter of 13th May last. I 
return You ay hearty Thanks for your kind Promise relating to my family 
and to the Roots and Plants I desired. 

Whatever I may have wrote formerly it is no Inducement to con 
tinue so to do; I know now your Honour's Pleasure, with which I was not 
honoured before. And from so salutary Advice I will steer my Course so 
as to give full Proofs of my earnest Endeavours with Sincerity and Truth 
to gain the Benefit of your Esteem and Protection, and am with the 
greatest Respect 

Gentlemen 

Your most Obliged and 
most Devoted Servant 

(145) Copy of a Letter from Mr. Paul Amatis to the Trustees dated at 
Savannah 24th July 1735. 

Gentlemen 

I rec'd. yesterday with a great deal of Pleasure your Letter of 
12th May p Capt. Yoakley who arrived at Tybee the 21st Instant. By that 
Letter I see that your Honours have rec'd. the Box of Raw Silk which I 
sent by him, and that Sir Thos. Lombe had begun to Organize the same: I 
am glad this small sample proves so well to his Satisfaction. This may 

 89 (143) 

induce You to believe that I have promised nothing but what I can per 
form. I dare say and I have the strongest Reason for my Assertion that 
I am able to bring Silk of the Growth of these Parts to a more perfect 
Beauty and Goodness than the Sample, whenever I shall be furnished wth. 
all things necessary for that purpose; And I defy any of the Fabricators 
of Piedmont to produce better than I am able to do. 

The Satisfaction a.nd Pleasure this Undertaking of mine meeting 
thus with Success (thro* the Blessing of God) must be to You, I want 
Words or Thoughts to conceive. It is one of the greatest Blessings in 
Trade to be expected from this Infent Colony, and all the World may now 
see that your Intent and Projecting this Affair was not chimerical but 
certain, built and supported with the strongest Reasons, brought to pass 
and attended with that Success that may Stop the Mouths of all Gain- 
sayers; And the Benefit the British Nation in general and this Colony in 
particular may reap from this Undertaking is obvious to am% any one who 
hath the least Notion of the Interest of both. (146) 

For my part my chief wish and Desire is that I may have the 
happiness of that Satisfaction of having been the Instrument of establish 
ing so beneficial a Manufacture, from that Principle of mine that there 
is no greater Satisfaction than in doing good to Mankind, especially 
when whole Provinces and even Kingdoms are to reap a general Benefit 
thereby. 

I ax intend to Send You by first Opportunity my Journal and hope 
You will be so good to read the same and give all due Attention and 
Regard to the Contents thereof. I desire that Your Honours will espouse 
my Interest, and with so much Zeal as may obtain for me some Satisfaction 

 90 (146) 

from the British Parliament in Consideration of the Study and Pains I 
have taken of so beneficial a Branch as I have now brought to some 
Perfection, which in few Years may be attended with the greatest Benefit 
to the Nation. 

I shall in the mean time do all I can to transplant and put in the 
best Order the Trees Plants &c, and your whole Garden in general; As I 
was the Original Undertaker it would be no small Satisfaction for me to 
See every thing there do well and prosper. 

There are at present but two Servants employed in your Garden, 
and with so few it is almost impossible to do any great matter; However 
I will do all that I possibly can for the Support of my Character, and 
perhaps in such Case I may be obliged to employ some hired Men to help 
which will be some Cost to your Honours, but this I do that You may have 
a Garden pleasant, Beautifull as well as rich in its Productions for the 
Benefit in general of the Freeholders who may at the same time have the 
Pleasure to walk there on Sundays and Holy days (14?) and there see the 
Plants and Trees they may expect as soon as they have cleared a suffi 
cient Quantity of Land. 

I cannot help putting You in mind of the Bills I have drawn on 
your Honours; If You don*t order punctual Payment of them I shall 
entirely thereby lose my Credit, and this I shall reap for my warm Zeal 
for your Interest the Colony and the British Nation. 

You may See by my Accompts sent your Honours that I charge 
nothing but what is just & reasonable, and to let me be a Sufferer in 
such Case would disable me from advancing any more of my Money (having 
but little to spare) which common Prudence would never Suffer me to 

 91 (147) 

Launch out any more to Serve a whole ^ation, unless a Trustee was here 
to answer whatever I should in reason (and no more will I ever lay out) 
to Serve the Colony. 

If your Honours are resolved to go on in improving Raw Silk and 
to have the Silk drawn and prepared in the best manner it will cost some 
Money, tut in about two Years the Mulberry Trees will be in the greatest 
Forwardness, and in that time may be seen the Labour of Industry shew it 
self to some Purpose; Then most if not all the Families in this Province 
may be supplyed with as many Trees as will be necessary for them: And 
thus old and young, small and great will reap the innocent Pleasure of 
gathering and improving the Raw Silk. 

The Trees and Plants in your Garden encrease prodigiously, to 
which my continual Care, Labour and Fatigue are not a little contribut 
ing. I am therefore Sun Rising to Sun Setting, Meals excepted; I am no 
Free Mason, nor Member of any Club. I (148) frequent no Dancing, 
neither do I encourage any Cabals. I live a Solitary Life, like a Monk; 
let others live as they please. I think no greater Satisfaction in this 
Colony than keeping up my Character and performing my Duty to your 
Honours, my Employers: And if all Men here were like me, there would not 
be so much Vanity and so great Poverty as there is. 

I have communicated your Letter to Mr. Causton and Mr. Fitzwalter, 
in relation to the Complaint against me touching Mr. Lacy; both deny to 
have wrote about it. I stay till the Arrival of a Trustee to Sue in 
Court those whom I can find wrote such falsity of me. I have more than 
10 Credible Witnesses Men of Probity and Credit who will depose (if need 
be) that in the time I was accused of the Fact I was so ill for 4 days as 

 92 (148) 

to keep my Bed and 7 days unable to go to the Garden, nor did I see in 
that time any of the Servants. 

Was I to do as others do Your Honours might have Reason to com 
plain; I will still insist that I have been ill treated by Mr. Causton 
& Mr. Fitzwalter and no other of this Colony, for no other Reason than 
for my earnest Zeal for the Colony and in preventing the Servants from 
being employed in pleasuring to the Prejudice of your Garden. I am with 
the greatest Respect 

Gentlemen 

Your most Obliged and 
Most Devoted Servant 
P.S. 

Pray don't forget to Send me a 
good Number of Cuttings of 
Vines of all Sorts. 

(149) Copy of a Letter from Mr. Thomas Cans ton To the Trustees dated at 
Savannah 25th of July 1735. 

May it please your Honours. 

Captain Mackay having made up his Muster Roll for his Company a 
Duplicate of which is enclosed As also his whole Account of Incidents to 
the 1st of March last; I drew a Bill of Exchange on your Honours dated 
the llth Instant at 90 days after sight; payable to Paul Jenys Esqr. and 
Company for 500 & Sterling thereby to Enable them to pay Such Draughts as 
I should have occasion to make on that head. 

 93 (149) 

With this comes a Continuation of my Cash Accot. with attested 
Duplicates or &ngqs Copys of the Vouchers. 

I also send a Copy of a Letter, the Original whereof was put into 
my hands by Messrs. Sterling to whom it is directed. 

The Deputy Governor of Carolina having Sent the Enclosed to 
Captain Mackay; He was desireous, that some men should be raised to 
assist him in the Execution of his orders in the Indian Nation. I con 
sulted with the Magistrates, and we agreed to write the Enclosed Letter, 
which I hope will meet with your Honours Approbation. 

I return you my humble thanks, for the Honour your have done me 
in Approving of my Conduct in Watsons affair. 

I shall ever think it my Duty to prefer Publick Safety to any 
private Interest. And if I am represented by any one to Act in any case 

-h-rhS^° 

contrary to my Duty, I must That Truth the Common Protectour of all well 
intended Actions will be my Advocate. 

The Government of Carolina having resolved to give up the Pala- 
chocola Fort, discharge their Commander and men, and offer all the 
Store to the Care of the ^ magistrates for your Honours use; we thought 
it necessary (being unexpected) to continue the same Commander and men 
sett down in the Encosed till your Honours Pleasure be known. (150) 

I&r Repeated Advices from Carolina we were informed that Some of 
their money Bills have been Counterfitted, and that William Mellichamp 
and Lawrence his Son were guilty, being detected at Winyan and were 
fled. We had information by People here; that Richard Turner and Thomas 
Mellichamp (another Son) were likewise Guilty; And that Turner had made 
a Rolling press for that Purpose, we took several Examinations on Oath 

 94 (130) 

which Amounted to a Strong Suspicion, but no direct facts; therefore 
admitted them both to Bail. 

That as this Affair might occasion some Bye*-* Reflections on the 
Colony we thought it necessary to persue the Guilty in the Strictest 
manner, And as it concerned Carolina very particularly; we judged it 
necessary to desire Mr. Abercrombys advice concerning the Prosecution. 
He came to us and managed a Charge against Richd. Turner and Thomas 
Mellichamp before the Grand jury, and then returned back The Grand jury 
returnd themselves (Ignorant) as to that Charge But presented William 
Mellichamp the father and Richard Turner (1st) for Counterfieting Sundry 
money Bills The Currency of South Carolina (2d) for uttering Sundry 
Counterfiting Bills knowing them to be so (3d) for making a Rolling 
Press and Utensils for Counterfitlng such Bills. William Mellichamp 
(being fled) we tryed Turner and he was acquitted of the two fir at 
Charges and found Guilty of the 3d which being Supposed to be a Mis 
demeanor he was fined 200 L Sterling and committed to Goal till Payment 
was made; When this fine was laid and the Committment was Executed, 
Turner found he was like to pay dear for his Enterprise, and his Em 
ployers be accquitted, He and his Wife made a more full discovery. So 
that a Grand jury being Summon'd they have Indicted William Mellichamp 
and Thomas Mellichamp for forging the Names and writing of the Subscrib 
ing pgnnw*-**"y<*tt*T Comiesioners to Several money Bills Thomas Mellichamp 
upon Intelligence of this also fled. 

We have Issued a Warrant upon these Indictments to (151) Seize 
on the Lands and Effects of William Mellichamp and Thomas to your 
Honours use in Case they should be found guilty of the Fact or out 

 93 (151) 

Law*d. But shall not proceed to a Confiscation without your Honours 
Orders. 

In Regard to this Discovery, and to prevent as much we could the 
Ruin of a family, who we judged to be veil recommended to your Honours 
and (till now) had maintained a pretty Good Character We thought it 
would not be disagreeable to your Honours to Enlarge his Confinement in 
such a manner as he might be capable of Supporting himself and family by 
his Labour. 

We have accordingly given him the Liberty of the Town and 
appointed Edward Jenkins and Joseph Fitzwalter to be Ms Keepers with 
Power of Restraint if he Attempts to Escape or Act Contrary to his 
Enlargement. 

I have paid Mrs. Musgrove for another Indian Servant she has 
bought of a Trader in the stead of her Servant Justice. 

Esteeche is reconciled to Mrs. Musgrove and his People I ex 
plained to him your Honours Orders in the Presence of Tomochachi And he 
shewed a proper concern for his Mishap, mixt with an agreeable pleasure 
for a reconciliation. 

Tallaphoheeche has accepted very gratefully of your Honours 
favour to him and his Relations. But they of his family being the 
Cheif Sufferers by the Spanish People (as mentioned in my Letter, of 
the 4th Instant) He is gone to Seek revenge, And has told Mrs. Musgrove 
that he would not fetch the goods you gave him till he returned. 

I have paid Mr. Jenkins Mr. Henry Parker and his Brother fifty 
pounds Currency in equal Portions as a Reward for Retaking the Murderers 
of Mr. Wise. 

 96 (131) 

Your Commands of the 13th of May are arrived pr. Yoakley which I 
will take care to Execute. 

Mrs. Musgrove has removed all her Stores to the Cow Pen and has 
promised an obedience to your Honours Orders about Rum. 

The Caper Plants are Safe Arrived and are delivered to (132) Mr. 
Fitzwalter to be planted and managed according to the Directions of which 
he has a Copy. The Madder Roots are dead, But if your Honours could 
procure another Parcell I would take care of some my self, having proper 
ground cleared for that Plant. 

I return your Honours thanks for the Servants sent by this Ship 
and all other your favours, and hope to manifest my Gratitude by my 
Actions. 

Mr. Johnson Dalmas being Dead, I placed those Servts. under the 
care of Mr. Fitzwalter to be employed in the Garden. I shall very 
gladly answer the Complaints which Mr. Gordon and others have thought to 
make against me; not Doubting of a just Determination; and in the mean 
time will (as in Duty bound) pursue the necessary measures for preserv 
ing the Publick peace and Execute the Office of your Store keeper with 
as much justice Integrity and Humanity as I am Capable of. 

The people are in a good State of health. The Illness mentioned 
in my last is at an end and was occasioned by Colds taken in the Exces 
sive heats which was in the months of may and June. In July the heat 
abated and this has been the Coolest month this year that ever was 
known. 

The Harvest is likely to be much better than Expected having had 
plenty of Rain, so that the Later Corn and Peas flourish very well many 

 97 (132) 

people seem so desirous of improving Land, that now there is a real 
Prospect of Supporting themselves. 

Mr. John Thompson (who came pr. Yoakley) seems to like this 
place tut is resolved to live by the Law; therefore is gone to Charles 
Town having first Sold his Servant. 

There is one Adams by Profession a Butcher, he came pr. Yoakley 
and is desirous of a Lett, and he Stays here in hopes of your Honours 
grant which he ssys he has wrote to Mr. Heathcote for. 

We have now received the Inclosed, which is a Copy of an Answer 
to the Letter sent to the Deputy Governor of South Carolina from the 
Magistrates here. The Jealousy's of Some in that Province about loosing 
the Indian Trade is made use of to Raise and pat Publickly (153) to 
declare Animositys towards us from thence. The Inclosed Affidavits is 
all (that can discover) they ground their Jealousys on. 

We were talking of this Affair when Mr. Abercromby was here 
askt me what Instructions the Magistrates had concerning The Indian 
Trade. I told him none concerning the Trade therefore would not meddle 
about it, But that if Mr. Mackay was Attacked in the Nation we had 
Orders to raise 50 Men to Assist him (if needfull) That when those 
Orders were given (I beleived) that none thought he would be disturbed 
by any But such who were Enemys to all his Majesty's Subjects. But if 
he was opposed in the Execution of his Instructions and thereby the 
Publick Peace was broken In Duty to your Honours, I would Support him 
and maintain the Pease so far as I was able. 

As to the pretended Authority of Locking up the Swords of our 
Militia Officers who have Commissions from Mr. Oglethorpe We depend upon 

 98 (133) 

your Honours Resentment in Such manner as you shall think fitt. I 
shall ever Endeavour to Demonstrate that I am. 
May it please your Honours 

Your most Dutifull Servant. 

(137) Copy of a Letter from Lieut. Govr. Broughton to the Magistrates 
of Georgia dated Council Chamber Charles Town 29th July 1733. 

Gentlemen 

I have rec'd. your Letter dated 21st Instant wherein You say that 
Capt. Patrick Mackay has laid before You my Letters to him of the 29th 
of April last and of the 4th Instant, and has required your Advice with 
regard to the several matters therein contained; but I find both in 
your Letter and that which I received from Mr. Mackay in Answer to those 
of mine, that You are all very carefull not to let me know the Result of 
your Councils in those matters I wrote to him upon, in relation to the 
Injurys done and threaten*d to His Majesty's Subjects trading from this 
Government; And that instead thereof, You seem to approve of his Saonbt Con 
duct without having any regard to the several Informations and Complaints 
made to me upon Oath, except that You say You have carefully perused his 
Orders from Mr. Oglethorpe, & therefore without giving any other Reason 
are of opinion that his Actions have not been as are mentioned to be 
charged in the Affidavits. 

Whatever Instructions or Orders Captain Mackay may pretend to 
have from the Trustees in general, or Mr. Oglethorpe in particular to 
justify his Proceedings, yet I am well informed they only are in General 

 99 (137) 

Terms as to the Trade, and no ways do nor can be presumed or construed 
to extend to His Majesty's Subjects of this Province trading with a 
free People in the manner he has done, and that only because they are 
licenced and fitted out by this Government. 

As I don't expect to have these Disputes Settled (158) between 
the two %olonys by Men of your Authority, therefore have only further on 
this Head to refer You to my Letter of the 4th Instant to Mr. Mackay, 
and to inform You that agreable to our Law I have with the Advice of His 
Majesty's Council ordered the Commissioner impowered by that Law to go 
into the Creek Nation to regulate the Traders licensed from this Govern 
ment, and to See that they are not injured in their Persons or Propertys; 
Yet to preserve an amicable Friendship with the Colony of Georgia, he is 

no ways to obstruct those fitted out and sent from thence; but since 

a 
that Gentleman who appears among You as the Head Bayliff or Magistrate 

has took the Liberty on this Occasion to say in a contemptuous manner 
that he will reinforce Capt. Mackay with 30 or 70 Men to Support his 
Authority against any Person or Power that shall be sent by this Govern 
ment to trade among those Indians, without enquiring and considering the 
matters laid to his Charge; I must observe to that Gentleman that he is 
unacquainted with the Charter of Georgia, & that he takes upon him in a 
presumptuous manner the Authority of the Militia of that Colony which is 
altogether by the Charter under the Commend and Direction of this Govern 
ment, and which I persuade my self the Trustees will never dispute; 
Therefore to prevent any military Violence or Hostilities being com 
mitted against any of His Majesty's Subjects by the Inadvertency of Men 
acting without Law or Authority in these Particulars which the Enemies 

 100 (138) 

of both Colonies will take Advantage of, I do peremptorily order and 
command all and every the Officers now in the Province of Georgia, that 
they do not presume to raise and march any of the Militia of that Pro 
vince into the Indian Nations without H)y special Orders (159) first had, 
except such as shall be raised by the Officer appointed to Erect a Fort 
and Garrison in the Creek Nation, according to an Agreement Stipulated 
by this Government, and they to be employed only in that Service or 
against the Enemies of our Soveriegn, and no ways to interfere in the 
Trade. 

I csjmot but take Notice to You how undeserving of such Usage 
this Province is, from one which now lyes under such Obligations to it. 
And though a Dispute possibly might have arose on some Priviledges not 
perhaps fully set forth and described in the said Charter; Yet for Men 
of your Degree and Station to take upon You in this unwarrantable and 
arbitrary manner to aid and countenance Cept. Mackay in his Attempts to 
ingress a Trade to the Colony of Georgia, exclusive of all others, 
which His Majesty of himself never thought fit to grant by any Deed or 
Charter to any Single or Corporate Body of Men, and what I am well 
persuaded the Trustees will never lay claim to. I say for You as well 
as Capt. Mackay to attempt an Affair of this Consequence, which if in 
dispute ought to be done in an amicable way by the chiefest Powers of 
both Governmts., shows to me that You had no Design to preserve and 
cultivate that good Understanding which You say ought for ever to Sub 
sist between two Colonys so nearly joined. 

I send You Copy of an Affidavit Sworn to before me relating to 
the Effects belonging to Lanclane McGilvery declared, a Trader among the 

 101 (159) 

Creeks, wch. must convince You of the unjust and unwarrantable Conduct 
of Mr. Mackay in that particular. I also send You Jeremiah Nott's 
Affidavit corroborated by the Affidavits of several other Traders, which 
will prove his violent and unjustifiable Proceedings in (16) the Creek 
Nation. 

There being as yet no Fort erected in the Creek Nation as con 
certed with the Honble. Mr. Oglethorpe, I shall with the Advice of His 
Majesty's Council order the Moneys raised in this Province for that 
purpose to be detained in the Treasurer's Hands until further Directions. 
I shall be obliged to do the same in regard to the Duty applyed for the 
better establishing the Colony of Georgia, if I hear the Traders 
licenced by this Province for the Creek Nation meet with a.ny Interrup 
tion from Capt. Mackay or any other Person from your Colony. 

Mr. Mackay has never thought fit to Send me a Copy of the 
Journals of his Proceedings, though he is enjoyned so to do by his In 
structions, which I require him to comply with forthwith. 

I take Notice of the Talk or Complaint of Tomo Chachi upon a 
Spaniard's being killed by Lika a Creek Indian, and the Mischeifs that 
afterwards aoBBK accrued thereupon; And find that John Barton Linguister 
to Capt. Mackay is accused by said Lika of giving him a Talk to make the 
Path bloody between the English and Spaniards, and gave him a Gun out of 
the Store for that purpose; Wherefore You say in your Letter that the 
said Barton stands charged, and you have detained him in Expectation of 
the Trustees Orders concerning that Crime; But as You have not thought 
fit to let me know what the said Barton has to say in his Justification 
or what other Proofs You may have against him, I cannot judge how far his 

 102 (160) 

Detention or Committment is warrantable; especially for so long a time 
as You mention. 
I am 

Gentlemen 

Your humble Servant 

(I6l) Copy of a Letter from Mr. Thomas Christie to Mr. Oglethorpe dated 
at Savannah July the 31st 1735* 

Honoured Sir 

I had the Honour to receive yours by Captn. Yoakley as to the 
Complaints of Watson end others against me for selling of Rum and 
taking a Shilling for a warrant and a Shilling for the Return your 
Honours will be soon convinced that they are the Effects of Malice and 
proceed rather from my adhering to the Laws punishing Offenders and 
Strictly pursueing the Honourable Trustees directions. 

The great Indulgence in regard to us as to the Servts. and the 
continuing of Provisions is the more agreeable and surprising since it 
is what they did not look for or B±p Expect. 

As to persevering in iim unanimity with Mr. Causton for the 
Support of Order end Government I have at all times and on all Occasions 
strictly pursued that Maxim and Indeed the Colony cod. not have Enjoyed 
much Pease or Credit without it the many Surprizing Attempts made to 
disturb the Peace of the Colony and the irregular life of many of its 
Inhabitants has required our Utmost Efforts. 

I could now heantily wish the Trustees would releive me in my 

 103 (161) 

Office and permitt me to sell my Improvements here and Settle on some 
part of the Frontiers where I might Signalize my self by doing some 
Extraordinary Service to the Colony. 

I own I have teen wanting in my constant Advices to the Trustees 
but as that has been taken up by Mr. Causton and Executed so well and 
indeed out of my Power in a great Measure. 

I hope they will be so good as to Excuse it I have here Enclosed 
our Proceedings against Mellichamp and Turner for Counterfieting the 
Current Bills of this Province of South Carolina and as Mr. Montagut 
has desired a Copy of our Judgmt. in relation to some Bills between him 
Mr. Bolzius and Mr. (162) Groneau of Purrisburgh, I have Sent the same 
here: I referr to Mr. Caustons letter in relation to Our Letter to the 
Governor of Charles Town his Answer and the Complaints levyed against 
Captain Mackay. 

The Indian Trade to this Colony seems to be of the utmost Conse 
quence yet as a Warr seems unavoidable the Cultivating a good under 
standing with the people of Carolina is highly necessary especially in 
the Indian Nation where the french and Spaniards will not fail to take 
advantage of any difference there and to Influence the Indians against 
us. 

The Colony seems to be vdry peaceable and quiet and likely to 
continue so. 

One William Buley of Care Markett and Elizabeth Malpas born at 
the Duke of Devonshere's Seat at Chatsworth who lived since with Captain 
Lingham in Delehaye street near Story gate and came axiHt over with this 
last Bit Embarkation gg passengers in Captain Yoakley*s Ship as Man and 

 104 (162) 

Wife and she being convicted of lyeing between two fellows naked and. 
leadg. a dissolute life Ordred Sixty Lashes at the Carts tail and to be 
carried through Bull Street and back again which was Executed accordingly 
and The Man who Brot. her over as his wife is Order'd to give Security 
and bound over to his good behaviour during his Stay in this Colony. 

I Beg the Continuance of your Honours Protection & remain your 
Honours 

Host faithfull and Obedient 
humble Servant. 
P.S. 

We hear that Thomas Mellichamp is taken in Carolina in one 
Underwoods Barn together with One Morgan of Charles Town who was lately 
up here with Cyder and Rum they were taken wth. several Counterf iet 
Ordrs. and Bills on them together with all their Utensils and Engraving 
Tools and are now in Irons in Charles Town Goal in Order to be tryed. 

(165) Copy of a Letter from Mr. Paul Amatis to the Trustees dated at 
Savannah 13th August 1735* 

Gentlemen 

Yesterday I received the favour of yours of the 30th April, 
having already answered that of the 12th May as may be seen by the 
inclosed Copy of mine of the 24th July. My Brother Nicholas Amatis 
having acted contrary to my Orders and against your Interest and mine 
I have been constrained to discharge him of your Service. I beg as a 
favour that You will have no Regard to him nor to wh&t he may say 

 103 (163) 

against me; It is certain if I would Sue him it might entirely ruin him, 
tut I chuse that there be no manner of Notice taken of him unless he 
spreads false Reports against my Person and Character: In such Case I 
beg You'll please to have it wrote down that I may justify my self by 
Letters. 

The Family of Camuse behave themselves very ill towards me, I am 
obliged to make them come before the Magistrates to make them prove 
what they have wrote against me and I hope the Magistrates will punish 
them as they deserve. By the first Opportunity I shall communicate to 
your Honours the Ground of our Difference, which was partly for having 
stop*d my Brother and the Family of Camuse at Port Royal by a Warrant, 
having rec*d. an Express from my Correspondent there that my Brother 
and that Family were on their Departure to return home. I hope You 
will be so good to write to the Magistrates to take no manner of Notice 
of that Family unless I do them wrong, or that I SR (166) do not Supply 
them with their usual Provisions. I beg You will be perswaded that I 
shall take all the Care I possibly can for your Interest, and that with 
the Blessing of God I shall bring about to some Perfection my Under 
taking for my Glory and your Satisfaction. 

I begin to take some Pleasure and to enjoy some Satisfaction since 
I have received your two Letters, and I hope that hereafter You will 
read no more Complaints in my Letters. Those that used to make me uneasy 
seem to be reconciled, at least to outward Appearance; and in Return 
for your Goodness I do my Duty in the Garden with a great deal of 
Pleasure and Satisfaction for the Common Interest of your Colony. 

As I have had but two of your Servants for a long time to work in 

 106 (166) 

your Garden I have been together with the Provision from the Store. 

/ 

This I do to put your Garden in the best Order I can before a Trustee 
arrives here, that he may at his Arrival find something in Savannah that 
may please him. 

I hope to depart hence for London the latter End of January, I 
shall then have the Honour to tell You my mind by word of mouth in 
relation to the Raw Silk. There is no doubt of meeting with Success 
and in the utmost Perfection as well as in any part of the Universe. I 
always recommend my self to your Gracious favour, whatever You please to 
Order I shall always be ready to obey. 

I expect in the Fall to give the Freeholders many thousand fine 
Mulberry Trees to be transplanted; (16?) while they improve their Lands 
for that purpose they shall want no Trees. Let them do their part and 
I shall not ba wanting on mine. I am most respectfully 

Gentlemen 

Your most Obliged and 
most Devoted humble Servt. 

(169) Copy of a Letter from Mr. Samuel Quincy to Mr. Verelst dated at 
Savannah 20th August 1735* 

Sir 

I did my self the Honour of writing to the Board by Capt. Thomson 
in Answer to one I received from You, which was about 6 months from the 
Date of it before it came to hand; I should not otherwise have been 
guilty of such unpardonable Rudeness as to have delayed Writing so long. 

 107 (169) 

I am very sorry that ay Account of Mr. Watson's Tryal should be displeas 
ing to the Gentlemen, it was not wrote out of any Prejudice to the Person 
complained of, or Delight that I take in saying ill natured things. I 
heartily wish that Mr. Csuston had merited a good Character, and should 
have given it him with the greatest Pleasure; but I have been a close 
Observer in the Affair of Watson, and am very certain that when 
Causton's Proceedings against him come to be strictly enquired into 
they will be found far from commendable. But the Proof of things must 
be left till we have the Happiness of some one over here to do Justice 
amongst us; in Expectation of which the Colony is at present very 
easy. 

Mr. West, who I hope is long since arrived in Capt. Thomson, 
will inform the Gentlemen fully of Affairs here, and therefore I need 
not trouble them with a long Account: But I must bear this Testimony 
to the Colony in general that the Freeholders have behaved themselves 
very quietly and peaceably, and if they have been represented to have 
done otherwise it will appear upon Examination to be a false and mali 
cious (1?0) Representation. There has been no one mutinous Action in 
the Colony besides that of Mugridge*a breaking the Prison when he was 
assisted to it by Musgrove, which certainly was a Fault, though the Cause 
for which he was committed, as I have heard it, was not just. But as 
for Plots & Conspiracys to destroy the Colony or the like, I am very 
certain no Freeholder has been concerned in them; & indeed Mr. Causton 
has frequently to me and others declared that he believed the same. The 
Conspiracy that alarmed us some time since was hatch'd by a few Irish 
Transports and some Vagabonds of like Account, who were then under 

 108 (1?0) 

Confinement and not in a Capacity to do any Hurt, though their Wills 
might be good. I mention these things because I very much Suspect, by a 
Letter I have received from a Friend, that several honest People lye 
under the Imputation of Conspirators or being joyned with Conspirators 
who would abhor any such thing. Bat these matters, I doubt not, will be 
thoroughly brought to Light, and the Blame fall where it is due. 

I desire the favour of You, Sir, to inform the Honble. Trustees, 
that I find it will not Suit well with my Affairs to Stay longer here 
than next Spring; And therefore beg their Leave to return home in that 
time. I have wrote several Letters to my Wife and Sollicited her to 
come over with her Family,but find her very unwilling to it, and desirous 
that I should return; It would be in vain to urge her too much against 
her Inclination, because then She would probably be uneasy here. I do 
not propose setting out till some time in March, which will allow suffi 
cient time for the Gentlemen^ % to provide (l?l) and send one over in my 
Room. If while I am here I can be of any Service in sending the Honble. 
Trustees such Information as they desire, I shall readily obey their 
Commands; and am 

Sir 

Your most humble Servant 

(173) Copy of a Letter from Mr. Patrick Tailfer & others to the Trustees 
without Date. Rec'd. 27th August 1735* 

Honoured Sirs 

We whose Names are underwritten beg Leave to lay the ensuing 
Particulars before Yon. 

 109 (173) 

We all having Land, in your Colony of Georgia and having come here 
chiefly with a Design to Settle upon and improve our Land, find that it 
is next to an impossibility to do it without the Use of Negroes; For in 
the first place, most part of our white Servants not being used to so 
hot a Climate can't bear the Scorching Rays of the Sun in the Summer 
when they are at Work in the Woods, without falling into Distempers 
which render them useless for almost one half of the Year. Secondly, 
There is a great Deal of Difference betwixt the Expence of white Ser 
vants & of Negroes, for Negroes can endure this Climate almost without 
any deaths only a Cap, Jacket and pair of browsers made of some coarse 
Woollsn Stuff in the Winter & one pair of Shoes; whereas white Men must 
be cloathed as Europeans and proportionable to the Season all the Year 
throughout. And then as to their Diet, the Charge of maintaining 
Negroes is much less than of white Men, for the first live in good 
Plight and Health upon Salt, Indian Corn and Potatoes which they raise 
themselves with no Expence to the Master but the Seed and have nothing 
to drink but Water; whereas white Men must be fed with Flesh Meat, 
Bread and other Victuals Suitable to the European Diet which they have 
been used to and bred up with from their Infancy, and must likewise 
have Beer or other strong Liquors in due Quantities for their Drink 
otherwise they turn feeble and languid and are not capable to perform 
their Work. Thirdly, There are a great many Disadvantages attend the 
Use of white (1?4) Servants here which do not Negroes, for we have 
white Servants only for a short time being generally indented for four 
or at most five Years one of which at least is lost by their frequent 
Sickness, and so many hours Rest from their Work which they must have 

 110 (1?4) 

every Day especiaHy in the Summer, & when their Indentures are expired 
we must either go to Britain and engage others or be obliged to take a 
Parcel of harden*d abandoned Wretches perfectly Skill'd in all manner of 
Villany, and who have been transported their Country for committing 
Crimes by which they have been deemed too dangerous to be allowed to 
Stay there: The first of these is not practicable upon Account of the 
vast Expence that would attend it, and the Consequences of the second 
would be that we could put no manner of Trust in our Servants; nay let 
us take all possible Care we could, they would be continually Stealing 
and Imbezzling our Goods; and which is of a worse Consequence, forming 
Plots and treasonable Designs against the Colony, of both which we have 
had repeated Signal Instances lately in the few Transports who are 
already here. Another great Disadvantage is their frequent running 
away which they have much more opportunity of doing than Negroes, for 
there is no Law as yet made to take up white People who are travelling, 
nor could it easily be distinguished whether they were Servants or not; 
whereas Negroes would always be known and taken into Custody unless they 
could produce a Certificate from their Master. Indeed we should be much 
safer with our white Servants if our Neighbours in Carolina, instead of 
encouraging and Skreening them when they make their Escape to their 
Settlements as we have had several Instances of lately, would be so good 
as to assist us in securing and bringing them back; but from what 
reason it proceeds we don*t know, the Major part of them (175) have 
hitherto shewn and do still shew a very strong Resentment against this 
place. 

A great many other Inconveniences might be mentioned but we hope 

 ill (173) 

these already expressed will be sufficient, and that your Honours will 
be pleased to take them into Consideration. 

We do not propose to employ Negroes in any Mechanick Business 
but only in cutting down Trees and Stumps, howing, trenching and fencing 
the Ground and all other ways of clearing the Land, making Turpentine 
and Tar, beating of Rice &c. So that we should still use our white 
Servants in all Handicraft Trades, making of Vineyards, raising of 
Mulberry Trees, taking Care of the Silkworms and winding the Silk, 
raising Flax and Hemp &c. whereby we should not only have our Land 
speedily cleared, but likewise in the mean time be raising a Produce fit 
for Exportation, which by encouraging Ships to come here would very much 
conduce to the flourishing of the Colony. One of the chief Disadvantages 
supposed to attend Negroes in other Colonies is their great Number but 
this we are convinced Your Prudence would obviate by limiting the Number, 
as so many for each white Servant or so many for such a Quantity of 
Ground or any other way xhi±* which You should think proper. An Objec 
tion may be made, that having but little Money amonst Us and not as yet 
raised a sufficient Produce we should not be capable to purchase Negroes; 
but that is soon removed when we consider that the Negroe Merchants 
always give Credit until the ensuing Crop, and if that does not answer 
until the next again only paying so much Interest; So that in Effect 
there is scarce any Expence in purchasing Negroes, but their Provision 
till they raise it themselves; and if once they were allowed we should 
very soon have them sent here to be disposed of; But whether or not it 
(176) would be more for the Good of the Colony if your Honours should 
think proper to Send a Ship loaded with Negroes and take our Produce in 

 112 (176) 

Return as the Merchants do, ve don*t know; However be that as it will we 
are sure that as soon as Negroes are allowed every Person will be en 
couraged to clear and ^ plant their Land, and until that is done it 
seems very improbable that this Colony should answer any End. We have 
only one thing more to add which is that it seems impossible to raise any 
% Quantity of Produce with white Servants only, and even if it should be 
done we could not dispose of it because our Neighbours in Carolina 
would always undersell us, having their Work so very much cheaper than 
ours. 

We had almost forgot to mention meat one thing which very much 
increases the Expence of white Servants, namely their Wages, for all 
our British Money allowed them yearly besides their Meat Drink and 
Cloaths. What we have wrote we have Reason to believe is agreable to 
the Sentiments of the People of this Colony in General, and we hope will 
appear reasonable to Your Honours. We are with all due Respect 

Honoured Sirs 

Your obliged humble Servants. 

(177) Copy of a Letter from Mr. Bolzius and Mr. Gronau to Mr. Vernon 
dated at Ebenezer 1st Septr. 1735* 

Most Honoured Sir 

By your reiterated favours You was pleased to shew us in your 
Letter of the llth of April last we are embolden'd once again to trouble 
You with these humble Linea, though we know very veil that your weighty 
Affairs, You undergo to the Welfare of the Publick and Church, will not 

 113 (177) 

give You much Leisure time to read over such Letters. The Contents of 
your Letter were so gratefull and pleasant to us that we could not 
forbear to make them know to all our Saltzburghers, that they might 
share in the Pleasure and good Advices we have received by them. And 
we beg the favour to assure You that the People were not a little over 
joy 'd on Account of your very great favour to them as well as of the 
comfortable Expressions, which were very fit to encourage them in 
suffering with Patience all the Incommodlties true Christians and the 
first Settlers of a Colony meet with commonly. Our great Benefactors 
have made hitherto such Incommodities as easy as possible they could by 
furnishing them all with what they wanted, vizt. their Victuals, Tools 
and many more necessary things. And since we have Marks enough of the 
Continuance of their favours to them it makes us rejoyce and bring the 
Sacrifices of our humble Thanks and Intercession to Almighty God for the 
Prosperity of those generous Benefactors. We find the People very well 
contented with all what the Honble. Trustees please to resolve about 
their Land, (l?8) which happended indeed barren, firmly believing that 
good God who provided his People in the Wilderness with the necessaries 
of this Life, will bless their earnest Work insomuch that they may gain 
their Victuals in Sweat of their face,though almost every body of English 
People trouble and discourage them by their Talking of their unhappy 
Settlement. We long very much for the ssfe Arrival of our deal beloved 
Father Mr. Oglethorpe, who will and can bring things among us to such 
an Order as will be profitable to us. And being informed by Mr. 
Causton and other Gentlemen at Savannah that Mr. Oglethorpe is expected 
next time in this Colony we could not shew our humble Xzp Respects in 

 114 

Writing to him but hope to do it shortly in Person. The Saltzburghers 
are all except some Persons in good Health, and work earnestly; however 
they will be double diligent if they should know, whether they should 
be removed to another Place or no. To perform their Calling in regard 
both to Christianism and outward Business is their greatest Pleasure, 
as our dear Benefactors will find it by Experience in time to come. 
Their Cattle You wae pleased to mention, make to the People a very great 
Pleasure, being brought up to have Cattle and to make Use of them. All 
the Cattle we received by Care of Mr. Causton, are in Life except 2 
Heads that are dead and one is shot by the Indians. For the two Boys, 
the Trustees were pleased to send to our Service, we return many Thanks; 
They are not so well nstured & obedient as Bishop, but we hope they will 
be brought to good Order by the holy Word of God end other good (179) 
Means. We dare not presume to trouble You further, wherefore we leave 
You and your weighty Affairs to the Protection of mercifull God, and us 
with our Flock to your farther paternal Affection and favour; and 
remain with all humble Respects 
Most Honoured Sir 

Your most humble and 
most obedient Servants. 
Mr. Vat presents his humble 
Service to You, and we 
both to Capt. Coram. 

 113 (181) 

Copy of a Letter from Mr. Thomas Causton to the Trustees dated at 
Savannah 8th Septr. 1735. 

May it pleas& Your Honours 

Oapt. Mackay being at Port Royal when I dispatch'd my last 
Letters I had not the opportunity to get his Attestation to his Muster 
Roll and Accounts in the Manner I intended, therefore was obliged to 
omit it. 

I have now sent that whole Accot. and the Vouchers; Also Mr. 
Woodward's former and latter Accots. Which last Accot. is the particu 
lar Advice and contains the Value of a Bill of Exchange drawn on your 
Honours for the Sum of & 69:16:3 dated the 12th of August last. 

Affairs of the Province are generally very quiet, and the People 
very healthy. The particular Account of Improvements now sent will I 
hope excuse my pointing out the most indolent, and your Honours msy be 
very certain that I have endeavoured to give Encouragement to the in 
dustrious, the' perhaps some times their other Behaviour has obliged me 
to shew a necessary Authority; in both which Cases I have endeavoured to 
avoid Partiality. 

As I now dayly expect your Honour's special Commission will 
arrive, I trust that I shall (at least) be vindicated with regard to my 
publick Conduct, tho' I despair of having that Satisfaction from my 
Accusers due to me in Reparation of the Damage They by their wicked 
Reports have done me in my private Interest, both here and in England. 

Hitherto I have been silent with Regard to Tybee and Skidoway 
Settlements, They have both been repeatedly advised encouraged and 
cautioned as Occasion (182) Served by me, and some times by the Magis 
trates. 

 116 (182) 

As to Tybee, the first Settlers being mostly dead, I have given 
Encouragement for such to work there as Blithman has desired from time 
to time, some of whom have a Desire to become Settlers there, But be 
cause I found that by Blithman's Managemt. the Work grew very expensive, 
I discharged all the Men who did not intend to abide there; So that 
there now remains only those who have a Desire to Settle. By doing so 
I thought the Original Strength of that Settlement was Supported and the 
Work continued; I have directed a Report to be made of that Work pursu 
ant to Your Honour*s Orders, and shall send the particular Accounts 
with it. 

As to Skidoway, They have been in general so idle that I believe 
some of them, after all your Honours favours and the constant Assistance 
I have never failed to give them, will endeavour to desert. Capt. 
Ferguson is now here and has intimated this to me, as his Suspicion; 
The Magistrates have therefore given him Authority to pursue and Seize 
any of them so deserting or attempting to desert. But though the real 
Industry of these Settlements must soon be unavoidably seen to their 
Discredit, I hope here will be found others who by a late Behaviour will 
in some Degree avoid your Displeasure. The Constables end Tythingmen 
have lately frequented a Military Exercise and are more diligent in that 
Duty. 

Thomas Millechamp whom I mentioned in my last to be Indicted for 
Forgery and fled from hence is taken in the fact and all his Implements 
with him. He was taken in Carolina and is in Charles Town Gaol. 

Capt. Ferguson in his last Scout to the Southwd. had the Misfor- 

(183) 
tune to have one of his Men fall very/ill and is since dead; so that he 

 117 (183) 

returned sooner then he intended, without making any BJaoEZxm Discovery. 
Tomo Chachi, the Boy Tooanahowi, Hillispilli, Tallahumi, jbtqpt Umpicki 
and Histanloppi returned the 18th of August and brought the following 
Account, vizt. 

"Tomo ChaShi says that he and the Boy was beyond St. Simons and 
"saw an Indian Man, the Boy ran for fear of being killed; They let the 
"Man pass and believe he did not see them. That Histanloppi saw another 
"Indian man the same day; & Tallahumi was out late and they feared he was 
"killed, but he came home and then they all came away, believing a great 
"party might be there. That he supposes those Indians were on the Scout, 
"for if they had been hunting they should have heard Guns. That they saw 
"no Settlements or any Boats. 

The Magistrates held a Town Court on the 23d of August which was 
one of the Six weeks Courts, & there are no Courts held at other times, 
but on particular Occasions. As many Actions are taken out and the 
Debts which the People contract with each other must unavoidably throw 
some of them into Goal; the Magistrates, to avoid so melaacholly an 
Appearance, questioned every one who owed Money and had Action against 
them how far they were able to discharge their Debts; Some of them, not 
being at present able, agreed to a method of Payment which is set forth 
in the inclosed Order, which I now lay before Your Honours in hopes that 
though we have not Power to deny Actions against any one (as is therein 
mentioned) You will nevertheless approve of this method or direct some 
other to answer the same Purpose; Since on the one hand, going to Goal 
cannot pay Debts; So on the other hand, it can be no Damage to a future 
(184) Creditor who shall be so imprudent as to trust any Man whose 

 118 (184) 

Circumstances are thus made publick. The Magistrates are of opinion 
that something of this nature is necessary in regard that there is too 
great an Inclination among the People to get into Debt, which I fear 
will prove fatal to some. 

The Prohibition of Rum is pursued by the Magistrates with all 
possible Diligence, and that Your Honours Orders might have Effect they 
lately ordered that the Constables on Guard should command all Petti- 
auguas and Boats of Traffick to come to a Grapling and immediately 
report their Loading end Consignments, and that nothing should be deli 
vered over the Boats Side without his Permit. And He to make Report of 
all such matters to the Magistrates when his Ward had finished their 
Guard turns; notwithstanding this, I had Information that one Morgan 
from Charles Town had publickly landed several Casks of Rum. I went ay 
self and Seized Six Barrels and placed a Centinell; The Magistrates met 
in the Town House and order&d the Guard under Arms to Attend; and having 
examined Morgan about the matter, it was very plain the Officer had 
neglected his Duty, and having condemned the Liquor ordered Coats then 
upon Duty to take Assistance and Stave it. He soon returned and said he 
could get none to assist him and he was unable to do it himself. I 
charged him and two or three others to follow me, and I and Mr. Recorder 
went to the House, turned out the People who were gathered thither; And 
without any Opposition I staved one ay self, and Mr. Recorder staved 
another. The Suffering Man begged hard ana declared his Poverty, which 
I had Reason to believe was trua; Therefore the Magistrates agreed to 
let him (185) carry the Remainder back again. 

The Harvest is now begun and many of the People have begun to 

 119 (183) 

bring their Corn to the Magazine to be placed to their respective Accots. 
and are in hopes of some Encouragement for what they can Spare, in the 
Price; in regard to the present Price of Labour and the badness of the 
Roads. Mr. Lacey of Thunderbolt has just now informed me that he shall 
raise a thousand Bushells of Corn Pease or Potatoes. 

The People of Ebenezer having received their Cattle take great 
Care of them, and are exceedingly Satisfied with your Honour's Care 
expressed in your last Letter. They have now sent a large Pacquet 
which Mr. Bolzius informs me is to declare a thorough Satisfaction, and 
so invite some more of their Brethren to them. Mr. Bzxxz Bolzius was 
lately married to one of his own Congregation, He communicated this to 
me and invited me to be present, but being always engaged in Business I 
excused my self and desired that he would order One of the Steers to be 
killed at his Town & accept of an Hogshead of English Beer to entertain 
his Congregation: I judged that as I had this opportunity to give 
Encouragement to so industrious a People, the Gift would not be disagre- 
able to your Honours. 

I have now an opportunity to Send this with the inclosed, there 
fore I Subscribe my self 

Your Honours 

Most Dutifull & Obedient 
humble Servant 

 120 (189) 

Copy of a Letter from Mr. Samuel Eveleigh to Mr. Martyn dated at So. 
Carolina 10th Septr. 1735. 

Sir 

About a fortnight since I came from Georgia where I had been 
three months and an half waiting the Arrival of three Vessels; Two of 
which arrived, & the third here where I stop'd her , but design She 
shall go (when laden) within Tybee and come to an Anchor off of Cock 
Spur Island and take in some Skins that are ready, and so proceed for 
Bristol. 

A little before I came from Georgia I received your acceptable 
favour of the first of May and am sorry I am obliged to acquaint You 
that I did not find things answer there as I expected, for I found the . 
Lumber to cost me (being cut by white People) four times as much more 
than if I had brought the Scooner into one of the Rivers of this Pro 
vince and have got her loaded here. 

I take notice that the Trustees has pass*d an Act (which has the 
Royal Approbation) against the Importation and Use of Negroes in their 
Province, And that it was the general received Opinion that it was a 
necessary and usefull Act. But I do assure You that d& here, where they 
ought at least to be better acquainted in these Affairs than the Gentle 
men in England, they are of far different Sentiments, and they all un 
animously agree (at least Such as I have talk'd with) that without 
Negroes Georgia can never be a Colony of any great Consequence. But 
since the Trustees have thought fit to pass such a Law I shall say no 
more, only make this one Remark. That I observed (whilst at Georgia) 
great Quantitys of choice good Land for Rice and am positive that that 

 121 (18$) 

Commodity can't in any great (190) Quantitys be produced by white 
People, because the Work is too laborious, the heat very intent, and the 
Whites cannot work in the wet at that Season of the Year as Negroes do 
to weed the Rice. 

I took a Trip from thence down to an Island called Ossebaw about 
40 miles to the Southward of Savannah, where I saw a vast Quantity of 
Live Oak Timber and very convenient Places for building of Ships. And 
(if my Information is right) I presume there can't be less on that 
Island or thereabout than what will build a thousand Sail of good 
Vessels and very convenient. We went about 8 miles up into the Creek 
very near the Heart of the Island where we came to a,n open Savannah as 
Level as a Dice and not a Tree in it, except a few Sassafras and them no 
bigger than ones Thigh. It is Supposed these were formerly Indian 
Fields and that they will bear both Corn and Rice, and are also extra 
ordinary good for Cattle; There growing upon it small Canes, Grass and 
other Weeds as high as one's Head, for which Reasons I look upon that 
Island to be very valuable. What we saw of that Land was computed to 
be 3,000 Acres, and I am informed that at the South West End there is a 
great deal more of the same Sort, which Land if burnt in the Spring 
plowed and planted for two or three Years will make extraordinary good 
Meadow Land: And that would be easy to do, because there's neither 
Stumps nor Stones. Besides all the Islands, both small and great, & 
the Main Land next to the Sea are plentifully Stowed with Live Oak 
Timber. 

The Reason that induced me to desire the two Tracts of Land was 
upon the Account chiefly of Trade, for the Rent of the Houses in Georgia 

 122 (190) 

are extravagantly (191) dear, and such as is not to be born with; I pay 
there for four little Rooms after the Rate of L 60. Sterling p Ann., 
when upon this Bay I can get as much Room for less than a Quarter of the 
Money, & better Secured from the Weather. 

Since I wrote that Letter I have seen Captain Pennefeather's 
Grant for 300 Acres of Land in Georgia. The Terms of which I esteem so 
unreasonable I should not be willing to lay out any Sum of Money in 
improving any Land there. 

I can't tell how far they may be able in Georgia to erect Saw 
Mills; That of Mr. Barker's I am sensible cannot do as it is. Mr. 
Augustine was erecting one whilst I was there which carries some 
Appearance of being brought to Perfection, though I don't rightly under 
stand it; he desired me to Send up some Saws which I shall do this 
week, having some that have lain by me a considerable time. 

The Design of the Trustees in relieving the poor insolvent 
Debtors and persecuted Protestants abroad is very human and laudable, 
and deserves Encouragemt. from every Person that is in a Capacity to 
assist them. But as my Talent lies chiefly in Trade, by not admitting 
Negroes will hinder me from what I had Thoughts of, or ^ doing that 
Service wch. otherwise I might. 

I am far from being concerned with any Mines especially Gold and 
Silver, but if there was a Prospect of such a thing I doubt not but a 
great many People who have much Money would be glad to be concerned 
therein, and that laid out in Georgia would be much to the Advantage of 
that Province. 

There are several things I wrote to Mr. Oglethorpe about I should 
be glad to hear his Opinion of, but as he is shortly expected here & some 

 123 (192) 

say as Governor, I shall quickly have his Sentiments thereon. 
I am 

Sir 

Your very humble Servant 

(193) Copy of a Letter from Mr. Robert Millar to the Trustees dated at 
Kingston in iaont Jamaica 2?th Sp± Septr. 1735. 

Gentlemen/ 

In my last of June the 20th I gave You an Account of my Tour to 
Carthagena &c, and of my Design to take another down to Campechy and La 
Vera Cruz, which I hope You have received before now. 

The Ipecacuana Plants that I brought with me from Carthagena and 
had. then such a bad Appearance, are by the favour of this Rainy Season 
shooting out all fresh from the Roots and in a very promising way. 
There is also some of the Balsam Capivi Seeds which I planted come up. 
Those of the Balsam Tolu have not as yet appeared above Ground, but I 
have still remaining Some of the BM± best Seeds of both of them which I 
keep for the Colony of Georgia. 

I have been disappointed in my Passage to Campechy since my 
last, the Qentlemen concerned not thinking proper to Send a Vessel till 
they have certain Advice from England of Peace with Spain, which we are 
still here uncertain of, having had no Vessel from Britain these two 
months. Since the time of my Setting out on that Voyage being delayed, 
I have made a Trip to the Eastern part of this Island where I made a 
small Collection of Specimens of some Trees, Shrubs and Plants, but have 

 124 (193) 

found nothing worth mentioning particularly to Your Honours; and if my 
Voyage be longer put off I intend to make a Journey through the Northern 
and Western parts also, that there may he no opportunity lost wherein 
I can possibly shew how much I am 

Gentlemen 

Your most humble and 
Most Obedient Servant 

(201) Copy of a Letter from Mr. James Abercromby to Mr. Verelst dated 
at Charles Town 8th October 1735. 

Sir 

The favour of your Letter of the 15th of May by Direction of the 
Right Honble. Trustees came safe by way of Georgia. The kind Reception, 
my Inclination to Serve the Colony has hitherto met with by the worthy 
Promoters of it, calls for all the good Officers my Situation here may 
bring in my Way. 

I am glad the Hint I gave Mr. Oglethorpe proved a Means to 
obtain the Clause You sent me inclosed. At first perusing I jM. did 
imagine a further Extension was allowed to Georgia than to this Pro 
vince; The Words In Europe being left out in the Enacting part of the 
Clause relating to Georgia, but the concluding words of the same Clause 
"Under the like Entrys Securitys Restrictions Regulations Limitations 
"&c as described by the Act of the Id Year of His present Majesty^, 
restrain it to the Disappointment of many of our Merchts. who were 
actually thinking of Sending Vessels to Savannah, there to load under 
this Clause. 

 125 (201) 

It was very agreable for me to find my Opinion in Capt. Yoakley's 
Case was consonant to that of such Lawyers as the Trustees had con 
sulted. 

I shall always and on all Occasions lay hold of every opportunity 
that offers for the Welfare of their People; I wish for nothing more than 
Power equal to my Zeal effectually to prove the same, in the mean time 
I am 

Sir 

Your most Obedt. Servant 

(205) Copy of a Letter from Mr. Thomas Causton to the Trustees dated at 
Savannah 15th October 1735. 

May it please Your Honours 

Having Settled Accompts with Mr. Samuel Eveleigh, Copys of which 
are inclosed. He desired a Bill of Exchange for the Ballance which I 
have drawn on your Honours at thirty days after Sight, and have charged 
my Cash Aecot. therewith. 

I have also bought Cattle and Fowls for Mr. August Gotleib 
Spangenberg and have drawn a Bill of Exchange on You payble to Messrs. 
Jenys & Baker for &E 3s 16:5:0 Sterling, agreable to your orders having 
rec'd. so much Cas& of them, Value in Curcy. 

I have also bought Cattle and Fowls for Tomo Chachi Mico of 
Yamacraw to the Value of L 2?. Sterling, the Value of which in Currency 
I have also rec'd. of Messrs. Jenys and Baker; And have therefore drawn 
a Bill of Exchange on You for that Sum payable to them. 

 126 (205) 

I have also bought Cattle and Fowls for the Saltzburghers at 
Ebenezer to the Value of t 36:15. Sterling, which I have also rec'd. of 
Messrs. Jenys & Baker in Currency, there fore have drawn a Bill of 
Exchange on You for that Sum also payable to them. 

Mr. Chardon having sent the inclosed wch. is a Repetition of a 
former Letter from him, which he afterwards contradicted. I have left 
off drawing upon him for Account of Provisions, saving that at his own 
particular Request I drew a Bill on him payable to Capt. James Mack- 
pherson for the Sum of t 350 as appears by the inclosed Indent No. 2?. 

(206) Messrs. David Douglass and Andrew Grant Merchants in this 
Town having much importuned me to let them have a Bill of Exchange for 
& 100 Sterl. I rec'd. the Value of them in Currency and have drawn a Bill 
for so much on You payable to them at the usual time, and is placed to 
Accot. of Provisions. 

As Messrs. Jenys and Baker are always ready to Supply me with 
what Currency I want, I shall on the failure of Mr. Chardon draw for 
such Sums as Necessity requires payable to them, and send your Honours 
immediate Advice. 

The People are (I bless God) in very good Health, and very 
orderly inclined. 

The Government of Carolina have sent an Agent into the Indian 
Nation, and Capt. Mackay does not think proper to return thither till 
some body commissioned by your Honours shall arrive here. I am 

May it please Your Honours, 

With my utmost Endeavours 

Your most dutifull Servt. 

 12? (206) 

P.S. This is delivered to Capt. Wilson's own Hand being now here, and 
takes in Skins on Account of Mr. Eveleigh. 

(225) Copy of a Letter from Mr. Thomas Causton to the Trustees % Dated 
at Savannah 20th January 1735/6. 

May it please Your Honours 

Captn. Yoakley and the People with him returned from the Alata- 
maha and reported, That the middle Inlet to that River is not safe for 
any Ship to enter by; And as he brought an imperfect Account, I sent 
again other People with particular Orders to Sound the most Southern 
Inlet; These are returned, and they find it very good, having two fathom 
and half Water on the Bar at Low Water, and very safe for Ships to enter 
and lye either at the South End of St. Simon's Island or eight Miles 
further up, well Land lock'd. 

One Wood an Indian Trader in the Creek Nation arrived here in 
his way to Charles Town, and reported to me, That the Head Men in the 
Creek ^ation had been told that Captn. Mackay was coming again to them, 
with a great Number of People, That he was going to build a great many 
Forts, That a great many more People were to follow, That a Castle was 
to be built on the Alatamaha, That there was a great many Cattle, That 
the People came so fast they must expect to be destroyed soon, And that 
the bringing of Cattle and taking the land in this manner was contrary 
to Agreements with Carolina, and not Carolina Law. As he was not 
directly desired to Speak of this, he referred me to one Edward Griffin 
who is Mrs. Musgroves Brother, and is sent to Tomo Chachi as the Chief 

 128 (223) 

Mice, from Chekilly Mice of the Cowetaws in the Lower Nation. He 
further related That the Head Men, upon hearing these Reports in the 
Nation, had resolved to go out and see if Captn. Mackay was coming in 
that manner, or no; But Chekilly had prevented it, till he heard from 
Tomo Chachi. 

I told Tomo Chachi of all these Stories and he promised to send 
People up to Pacify them. In two days time Edward Griffin arrived, I 
sent Tomo Chachi five Gallons of Wine to make his Friends welcome, & 
incited (226) them to see me. The Talk on this Oacasion being taken by 
Mr. Christie, I thought it might "be proper to transmit it. 

Although Your Honours will observe that this does not contain 
all the Particulars related by Wood, & that one thing is added (vizt. ) 
That the Carolina Agent carried Red Colours with him. We find it a 
material paf^t of the Story because it seemed to them a Token of War, & 
encreased their Suspition; and in a great measure, their Belief of 
several SgnEnc Stories which were to the abovementioned Purpose. 

Tomo Chachi has undertaken to convince Chekilly and the Chief 
Men with him of their Mistake, and has sent Hillispilli and Santuchi to 
the Nation for that purpose. 

Captn. Dunbar with the Scots Highlanders arrived here the 10th 
instant; As Mr. Oglethorpe is not yet arrived, he delivered me Your 
Eonour*s Orders dated the 23d of August last. I assisted them with 
Pettiauguas end Provisions accordingly, and some few Tools for Your 
Honour's Accompt, as enclosed; Being at the Request of Mr. Hugh Mackay. 
Himself snc. pprt of the most able vent for Barnwell's Bluff with the 
Pettiauguas on the l?th Inst., to take Possession and build Covering 

 129 (226) 

against the others come. A Servant of Mr. Patrick Mackay took the 
Liberty to tell the Highlanders, they were going to be killed, that 
they were so near the Spaniards that if they looked out of Doors they 
would be shot. I therefore committed him to Gaol, but Captn. Dunbar 
tells me that when the Highlanders heard it, they desired to go end 
drive the Spaniards away first, and then they would build Cover and 
fetch their Wives and Children. But though they did not seem to be 
afraid of what this Fellow had told them, their Behaviour has not been 
so obedient to their Leaders as heretofore. 

I acquainted Tomo Chachi of the Arrival of the Highlanders and 
where they were going, and that Your Honours had ordered me to make him 
a Present, as a further Token of your Love for him. 

He was very well pleased at the intended Settlemt. (22?) and said 
that Mr. Oglethorpe had told him of it before; & as the Messengers to 
the Nation were not gone he would send Word by them about it, that they 
might not be uneasy. He ordered Six Indians to go with them to shew 
them the Country and to hunt for them; That the Indians might tarry 
with them. I delivered to Mr. Hugh Mackay a Hogshead of Beer to re 
fresh these Indians, & I undertook to Repay what Corn and other Provi 
sions he certifies to be spent on their Accounts. 

I gave Tomo Chachi as a Present a Piece of Striped Duffils, Six 
Yards of blue Strowds, four Hatchets, a Barrel of Flour and a Cross Cut 
Saw. 

Captn. Dymond in the Peter and James from Ireland arrived also 
the 10th instant, and waits at Tybee for Mr. Oglethorpe's Orders, having 
some Passengers from Purysburgh. 

 130 (22?) 

Captn. Dicker in the Alien from Bristol arrived also the same 
day with the Passengers mentioned, in the inclosed, and several Mer 
chandizes on Account of Messieurs Williams and Co. Since their Arri 
val, some People as yet undiscovered have given them such terrible 
Accounts of the Land &c. That they were resolved to Sell their Servants 
& retire to the West Indies. But I went with them to their Land, and 
having been watchfull in convincing them of the Truth of things, they 
are very well satisfyed and are gZKg gone to Settle on their Land. Mr. 
Lacy of Thunderbolt has bargained with them for Seven of their Servants, 
and to freight their Ship with Lumber to St. Christophers. 

The following Bills of Exchange since my last are drawn on your 
Honours in favour of Messrs. Jenys and Co. The Value whereof is accomp- 
ted for in my Cash Accompts, vitz. with other Bills Subjoined. 

Mr. Eveleigh's Accompt is also inclosed being Value for a Bill of 
Exchange drawn on Your Honours in his favour, the Particulars of which 
are accompted for in the Store Accot. vizt. Dated January the 20th 1735* 
for the Sum of L 272. Sterling. 

Mr. Chardon having bought ninety six Barrels (228) of Beef which 
was delivered at the Magazine, desired I would draw a Bill on him for 
the Payment which at L 8:10:0 Currency p Barrel is 3s 816 Carolina 
Currency, as Value received of Richard Wright. 

I am 

Your most Dutifull Servant 

The above mentioned Bills of Exchange are as follow with which 
my Cash Accompt is Charged. 

 131 (228) 

1733- Sterling 

Novr. 5- To a Bill of Exchange jodboc in favour of Messrs.) 

) 200:—:— 
Jenys & Baker for Accot. of Provisions -----) 

25. To Ditto in favour of George Merely Esqr. for ) 

) 130:—:- 
Accot. of Incidents -------------- ) 

Deer. 8. To Ditto in favour of Hugh Bryan for Accot. of ) 

) 200:—:- 
Provisions ------------------ ) 

25. To Ditto in favour of Messrs. Jenys & Co. for ) 

) 200:—:- 
Accot. of Provisions ------------- ) 

27. To Ditto in favour of Messrs. Jenys & Baker for ) 

) 83:10:- 
Accot. of Pay and Provisions at Fort Prince ) 

) 

George -------------------- ) 

Janry. 16. To Ditto in favour of Messrs. Jenys & Baker for ) 

) 200:—:- 
Accot. of Provisions ------------- ) 

20. To Ditto in favour of Saml. Eveleigh for Dis- ) 

) 272:—:- 
charge of his Bill of Particulars -------) 

(229) Mr. Oglethorpe to the E. of Egmont 

My Lord 

Your heart is so much concerned for Georgia that the hearing how 
things go there is most agreeable to you. I should think my Self want 
ing in my frindship to Lord Egmont could I neglect any thing that was 

 132 (229) 

agreeable to him; Our Stay in waiting for the man of war has thrown us 
so far backwards in the season that it will be impossible for the people 
Sent over this year to raise Provisions for the next. This makes it the 
more necessary for all our Friends to stick together in making their 
Push for a. farther Supply from Parliament. Your Lordship will find. 
Mr. Towers, Mr. Digby, Mr. Beathcot, Mr. Vernon, and Mr. Talbot exceed 
ing zealous. Indeed the Case requires it, and I beleive there is not 
one of our Number but will use his utmost Endeavours. The only matter 
wanting is to concert with one another and Settle lists that each person 
may Speak to his Friends. I send your Lordship enclosed the Services, 
wch. will be necessary for next year. If the Rangers are not continued 
the new Settlements can have no Support by land no communication, and 
may a.t pleasure be Surprised by the French Indians. The opening Roads 
and Communications, I beleive no one will now dispute the Usefullness 
of, Since the good Effect which General Wade's glorious undertaking of 
that kind has had in Scotland. And there is no true way of civilizing 
a Country without Communications. For this purpoee it will be neces 
sary to keep on the body of an hundred workmen. There is another Bene 
fit from this the Wages drawn down from other Parts of America the work 
ing aaot men that are out of Employment, and whome necessity would other 
wise drive to the French and Spaniards, Most of them when they have 
gain'd Something, marry Among the people, take up Lands in Georgia and 
increase the Inhabitants. Tis impossible to be without the Boats to 
keep open the Communication by water. The Indian (230) Presents are 
more needfull now than ever the French and Spaniards labouring to 
debauch them from us. Without Agents there is Possibility of drawing 

 133 (230) 

Men from Switzerland and Germany and every Foreign man Settled in 
America id 30 or at least 20 p an. gained to the kingdom. We have 
above 1200 Foreigners settled in Georgia and the Neighbourhood; great 
numbers of which come at their own expence and have put the Publick to 
no charge. The Subsistence for the people during another year cannot be 
dispensed with: for if it is, the misery they must suffer cannot be 
described. They must disperse and the Cotton if not entirely abandoned 
will be so weakned, that whatever has been already done will only show 
the Spaniard and French the Use of that Province, and make them more 
eager to settle it. I have troubled your Ldsp. with too long a letter 
so shall not farther trespass by making Compliments. I hope Lady Egmont 
and your good Family is well, and must desire your Lordship to make my 
Service acceptable. 

I am, My Lord 
I put this on board 

Your most Obedt. humble Servt. 
s ship at Sea with- 

James Oglethorpe 
out time to atznmbc send. 

Feb. 1st 1736 
Georgia 

(249) Copy of a Letter from Mr. Nathaniel Polhill to Mr. Thomas Tower 
Dated at Savannah 12th Febry. 1735/6. 

Sir 

From a true Sense of the great Benefit I have received from the 
Honble. Trustees by the Influence of Sir John Lade, I humbAy beg the 

 134 (24$) 

Acceptance of my Thanks to the Board in General, and to your Honour in 
particular, and hope my former Timorousness may be Overlooked. My Land 
that was Surveying about the 5th instant (in which time Mr. Oglethorpe 
landed) I like very well, and as soon as so bad a Road which % leads to 
it can be mended (pursuant to Your Honour's Orders) I shall settle 
entirely upon it. So good a Country as I am now in, obliges me to a 
Desire of Settling my Posterity in it, and for which Reason I humbly beg 
of my Honble. Patrons a Town Lot for my younger Son Nathaniel; But in no 
ways, without the Approbation and Intercession of my great & worthy 
Friend Sir John Lade, whom I have wrote to; And I would duly See to the 
Performance of all Conditions required from holding such a Lot. I have 
procured a New Servant since my Arrival, and hope to procure as many as 
my Circumstancez will admit. I ha Tie at present, as I hope I shall 
retain, the entire good Will of every worthy Person among us, and in 
particular of those honest Gentlemen Mr. Vanderplank and Mr. Fallow- 
field, who Show in every of their Actions a due Regard to our happy 
Establishment and thriving Colony. The Honble. Mr. Oglethorpe has given 
due Satisfaction to every honest Freeholder among Us, by declaring in 
open Court Your Honour's Constitutions for our Common Preservation. And 
in (230) particular the Prohibition of Strong Liquors engages my good 
Liking, in as much as it hinders a Plurality of Vices we had like to 
have fallen into. 

I remain, respecting Your Honours, one of Your most Obliged Sons; 
And am 

Your Honour's 

Most Obedient Servant. 

 135 (253) 

Extract of a letter from Savannah in Georgia, dated Ht 4 feb. 1735/6 

We arrived here the 5 inst., which for the time is incredibly 
improved; there are about 200 houses regularly built, Some of which let 
at 30 Sterl. a year. Mr. Oglethorp went next day tho very vet weather to 
See the adjacent Settlements, in which there are Several English like 
regular townships, viz. Bewzer, Thunderbolt Fortarquile Nestbrook 
&e. in a flourishing condition beyond any Colony ever known is so short 
a time. Tho we have had a long and very S&popc Stormy passage; yet we 
arrived without the lost of a Soul out of any of the ships which were 
Six in number and very large. Mr. Oglethorp during the passage was 
extreamly carefully both of the Souls and Bodys under his care: but 

what Surprises me beyond expression is his abstemious & hard living, for 
tho 
/Ada* even dainties are plentifull/ he makes the least use of them and 

goes thro the woods wet and dry as activly as any Indian. His humanity 
so gains upon all here that I have not words to express their regard & 
esteem for him. He goes to morrow about 8 miles farther into the 
Country where he is to Settle a town, near which upon the River Allata- 
hama, a fort with 4 bastions is to be built that is designed for the 
barrier. The Countrey abounds with fish excellent fruit and Venison. 

(297) Copy of a Letter from Mr. Bolzius to Mr. Ogiethorpe Dated at 
Ebenezer 28th Febry. 1735/6. 

Most Honoured Sir 

I beg your Honour's Permission to acquaint You humbly what 

 136 (297) 

happened to me and ay Congregation since Mr. Vat came again to Ebenezer. 
He sent me Word last Sunday by the Constable Mr. Zwiftler, that he was 
Ordered by Mr. Oglethorpe to tell the People to day, after our Divine 
Service, what should be their Duty in time to come; Wherefore he desired 
me to bid all the Congregation meet together in the Church. After the 
People were %( Assembled, he sent one of the Saltzburghers in my House to 
fetch me in the Church too, to be a Hearer of the things he was about to 
intimate. But having preached the Holy Word of God in the Morning and 
Afternoon (for my Fellow Labourer was gone with Mr. Yon Reck to your 
Town) and having had other private Business with Sick People, I was 
extreamly tired; Which weak Constitution hindered me from being present 
in this Meeting. However I suppose it was the Direction of your Honour 
he should have communicated before to me that which should be made 
known to my Congregation, and afterwards we would have done it jointly. 
But as he fancyed formerly to have full Authority and the only Command 
at Ebenezer in Temporal things, he fancyed it now too. Besides this, 
it would have been more convenient if he had chosen rather the Saturday 
or Monday for this Intimation than a Sunday, since he knows very well 
what Pleasure it is to me and the Saltzburghers to worship God the whole 
Day in private as well as Publick; But as he forced formerly the People 
to neglect the Days appointed for publick Worship, so he was not at all 
scrupulous to fill the People's Minds with strange Things. It would be 
too much Trouble for You to hear all Manner of Mischiefs (2$8) and 
Grievances which are caused me and our People by the willful and rigid 
Behaviour of Mr. Vat; Which he endeavours now is nothing else but to 
grieve me & my Fellow Labourer further, and to dishearten the distressed 

 137 (298) 

People by comaaading them several heavy things and threatening them 
cruelly. The People are very willing to obey in every thing You please 
to Command, and if it is your Order that Mr. Vat should have such an 
absolute Power over Provisions and the People as he pretends to have, I 
will endeavour jay self to the utmost of my Power to encourage them to 
Suffer all Burthens with Patience, which Mr. Vat will go on to lay upon 
their Shoulders, and then it will be but a little Difference between 
their Sufferings here and in their Native Country. However I know Mr. 
Oglethorpe's fear of God, his Fatherly Mercy towards persecuted and 
distressed People, and particularly his great favour to me and my Fellow 
Labourer; Wherefore I firmly believe, he will give Orders to treat the 
Saltzburghers not like Slaves but to let them use the same Laws and 
Liberties with other free People in this Colony, as it was promised to 
them by Words of Mouth and Writings. But as long as Mr. Vat dwells at 
Ebenezer, as long must we and our Congregation be disquiet by him, and 
he will be so difficult to perform Mr. Oglethorpe*s Directions, as he was 
difficult in performing Mr. Causton's; The Particulars of which I must 
leave now untouched. If You should know all the Particulars of the 
Difficulties and Miseries the Saltzburghers were forced to undergo, You 
would certainly count the Servants at Savannah happier than the free 
People at Ebenezer; Which will pass away and be forgotten, if You grant 
us the following Petitions. I make bold now to address my self with 
some Petitions to your Honour concerning the Rules Mr. Vat has made 
known to the People last Sunday to be observed, which my boldness I hope 
will (299) be taken in good part by your innate Goodness and Generosity. 
The People are ready to work jointly in the Ground with all their Heart, 

 138 (299) 

"but they humbly beg Leave to Use such a manner of joint working, as is 
most convenient and profitable to them and their Grounds: They were 
intended a good while ago to work Six and Six in little Parties, so that 
every Party would have with them one, or if necessary two of the weak 
and old People; which method will be as they certainly believe, twice 
more profitable for clearing out the Garden Lots than to work jointly 
so, as they were forced to do a Year ago. And since some of them might 
be not so industrious, they would be in such little Parties strictly 
observed, and compelled easily to more Application; Wherefore they would 
not need such Overseers like Slaves as Mr. Vat spoke of, but every body 
would work freely with pleasure of mind and Thanksgiving to God, who 
inclines the generous Heart of their dear Father Mr. Oglethorpe to let 
them have some Liberty. Besides this every Party would endeavour as 
much as possible to overreach one another in clearing their Garden 
Letts, which will be pleasant and profitable. So^g People have very 
good Assistance by their strong Wives and some Boys, who can't and 
won't work if the Work must be done jointly according to Mr. Vat's 
Method. I leave untouched some Advantages more, which we would have, 
if You would shew us the favour to let the People work in the aforesaid 
manner. As for the Storehouse, which shall be built immediately by 
Order of Mr. Vat of Logs or large Timber, the People are very well 
pleased to build for the present a good Butt with good Doors to be lock'd 
up, and after their Work in the Ground till planting Season is done, they 
will be vdry industrious to &d& build a Store and Watch House (300) and 
what else your Honour please to Command. Be pleased to let them have 
this Liberty to cultivate before their Grounds and afterwards to build 

 139 (300) 

the aforesd. piiblick Buildings. So You will find, by Experience, they 
will by the Blessing of God gain in a short time their Victuals for 
themselves and their Poultry, wch. to feed and "breed we wanted a good 
deal more than is the ordinary/ Allowance of the Store. One of the 
first Saltzburghers had on the other Side of our River a good Spot of 
Ground, which produced lately Twenty Bushels of Corn besides the Indian 
Pease, which good Crop will be produced by other Saltzburghers too, 
since they have Leave to remove to a better Soil, if their zealous 
Industry shall not be prevented by building of publick Houses and fetch 
ing Provisions with our extream heavy Boat, which is built better for a 
Standing Water than to be used in the strong Stream of Ssnrannah River. 
If the Liberty is granted to work jointly in little Parties, they would 
build little Butts capable for containing as many People as work sleep 
and eat together, which would be more wxtEbntz wholsome than if they 
should lodge under one or two large Hutts, which Mr. Vat urges to be 
built. I pass by with Silence several other Inconveniences in Temporal 
& Spiritual things, which would happen if they should live so close 
together. I can't iooaAc forbear to wonder very much at Mr. Vat's 
Pretence, that Twenty Gardens on each Side of the Town should be reserved 
at the Disposal of the Honble. Trustees; After this manner the People's 
Gardens should be removed a great Way off from the Town, and to Barren 
Pine Land too, which would be as unhappy as to live in our former State. 
The Saitzburghers have Suffer'd in their old Settlemt. very much, and 
leave now behind all their Buildings and Improvements, which Troubles 
and Costs will be (301) made good to them if their Lots are laid out 
upon good Ground on both Sides of the Town, as it was your Honour's 

 140 (301) 

praise worthy Intention by shoving me the Situation of the Town upon a 
Paper. This is By Comfort too, that You was pleased to tell me at the 
same time the People should begin immediately their Work, after their 
Town and Garden Lots were laid out, which your Order and Promise is of 
greater Value to me and our Saltzburghers than all Talkings of Mr. Vat. 
I hope therefore Dear Sir, You will give full Order for laying out all 
our Garden Lots at first that we may shortly know what Ground belongs 
to every Owner, which we longed for a great while ago. For it is not a 
little tedious to them to live so long in those uncertain Circumstances, 
remembering very well that not only Freedom of Conscience but also good 
Land which should be given them immediately after their Arrival, and 
besides this the Priviledges and Liberties of the English Men are really 
promised to them, which good things occasioned many of them to leave 
their good States they lived in by the Care of many Benefactors in 
Germany. 

Lastly, I beg the favour of your Honour to remember, that You 
was lately so kind as to tell me that if 4 People watch every night and 
1 by Day time, it would be enough for the present; Wherefore I humbly 
beseech You to Allow us the said Number of 4 People for watching. That 
6 People should be to watch on Sundays and Holy Days during Divine 
Service is only Mr. Vat's Desire, who was a scandalous Contemner of the 
Holy Word of God, and endeavoured to make the People so too, but I 
could not consent to let the People watch on Sundays and Holy Days for 
neglecting our Divine Service. I doubt not but our (302) Dear Mr. 
Oglethorpe will let the People have this Freedom to be all present in 
our publick Worships as they did hitherto, except one who is to watch. 

 141 (302) 

Let it please You to hear the Order Mr. Vat has given other time about 
the Nightly Watches. Six Men were ordered with a Corporal every night, 
a Parole or Watch Ward was given out at Evening by Mr. Vat to the Con 
stable Mr. Zwiffler, to carry the said Parole or Watch Word to the 
Guard after the following manner. 1st. The Constable with his Sword 
on his Side took along with him one Armed Man (called a Ty thing Man) 
carrying a Lanthorn. 2d. The Centlnel was very strictly ordered to 
call out in German Tongue, War da, or who is there. After the Con 
stable's Answer round &c, the Corporal was called by the Centinel to 
Order the Guard in Arms. 3&* Then the Constable drew out his Sword 
and set it on the Corporal's Breast, and so with some Ceremonies more 
(but very strange to the poor People) the Watch Word was given, so as 
it is in time of dangerous Wars. 4th. After this, two Men of the 
Watch were ordered to go Patrole every Hour all the Night about every 
Comer of the Town Ac. I desired him often to abate such strange 
manners, wch. lead the young People by Degrees to Prophaneness & is 
very tedious to the old ones; But he denied it, making poor Shifts, 
till the time he Supposed Mr. Oglethorpe was come again to this Colony, 
then he bid the People watch without the aforesaid Troubles. I entreat 
You Sir very humbly to remove all these troublesome things from the 
People's watching, which I suppose will be introduced again by Mr. Vat. 
I add no more to your Honour's present Trouble, besides the Assurances 
of my being ever with great Respect 

Most Honoured Sir 

Your Obedient and most 
faithful humble Servant 

 142 (313) 

Extract of a letter from Georgia dated March 7, 1735/6. 

A Ship arriv'd here about a month before Mr. Oglethorpe, having on 
board about 160 Highlanders from Scotland designed to settle on our 
Frontiers next the Spaniards; they stay'd at Savannah some time; during 
wch. some Carolina people endeavour'd to discourage them, by saying 
that the place they were design'd to settle on was so near the Spanish 
Fort & Town, that they would be able to shoot them even at the doors of 
their Houses; Bat the Highlanders bravely reply'd, if the Spaniards 
ue'd them ill, they would drive them out of their Fort, & so have 
houses ready built to their hands. Mr. Oglethorpe not arriving so soon 
as was expected, those North Britons, a little before he came, convey'd 
themselves in Perriaguas to the Southward, and have settled by the side 
of the River Alatahama on the continent about 12 miles from the Sea, 
and have already mounted a Battery with four pieces of Cannon, also 
built a Guard House, a Store House, a Chapel, & several Huts, & called 
their Settlement Darien. When Mr. Oglethorpe arrived, he found about 
2000 Persons in Georgia; most of the Old Standard having good Houses, 
Cattle, Poultry, & other necessaries: He sent a (314) company of 
Rangers on Horseback to find a way thro' the woods from Savannah to 
Darien (being about 100 miles distant). They succeeded, and came back 
again; and now above 100 men are employ'd in making a road wide enough 
for Carts to passe. When this was order'd, Mr. Oglethorpe set out for 
the Southward, taking with him only Batchelors, leaving the married 
men to take care of their Wives. In two days they got about 60 miles, 
and took possession of the Island St. Simon; when he immediately set the 
People to work and as he set his hand to it himself they soon got up a 

 143 (314) 

House, thatch'd with Palmetto leaves, dugg a Cellar, mark'd out a Fort 
with four Bastions, and built a small Store house. After this he paid 
a visit to the Highlanders at Barien, vhom he found under arms, with 
their Plads, Broad-Swords, Targets, and Muskets, making a fine appear 
ance. They had provided for Mr. Oglethorpe a fine soft Bed, with 
Holland Sheets, and Plad Curtains: But he chose to tit lie out of 
doors upon the Ground in his Cloak, between two Gentlemen: wch. example 
they follow* d by lying round him. s*^*^** The acts for prohibiting the 
Importation of Negroes, Rum, & all distill'd liquors end that for pre 
serving Trade with the Indians, are strictly put in Execution. We 
doubt not being able in few Years to produce considerable (315) Quanti 
ties of Silk, Oil, and Wine. The Soundings at the entrance into the 
Alatahama River not being yet sufficiently known, five Perri&guas 
carried the Passengers the inland passage, and the Stores are to be 
sent round by Sea to St. Simon's in a Ship wth. draws but little water. 
Other letters from Georgia by the Ship Symmonds make heavy com 
plaints against their neighbours in Carolina, who hpve endeavour'd much 
to alienate the affections of the Indians from them, by asperseing the 
Character of Mr. Oglethorpe, & inciting them to an ill opinion of the 
whole Colony; wch. might have produced very dangerous consequences, had 
not Tomo Chichi, one of the Indians that came from thence to England 
with Mr. Oglethorpe, remained firm to his Interest and Friendship. Yet 
notwithstanding, the Stories they had told, had this bad effect, that of 
200 Indians wch. were to have accompany'& Mr. Oglethorpe to St. Simons, 
(a new Southern Settlement in Georgia, mentioned in the above Extract,) 
not above 40 joyn'd him. 

 144 (329) 

To Mr. Oglethorpe 

Sir 

The Letter I receive from your Excellency of the l6th February, 
which has been delivered to me by the Irish Gentleman, makes me very 
thankful and much obliged for your kind expressions, And Your Excellency 
may be certain, that my earnest desire will be, that time may furnish me 
with many occasions of serving You. It is an infinite joy to me, that 
the King of Great Britain has conferred on a Person of Your Exzh 
Excellency's Valuable Character the inspection of this and the neigh 
bouring Province, tint tho* I must say to Your Excellency that it gives 
me some concern to see the desire you manifest to me of keeping up the 
greatest Union with this Province, and yet there has been a failure in 
the Province where you ere, to the Treaty with my Predecessors, by 
going out of the bounds marked out to each, and extending into the 
Lands of the King my Master, which I having first got to be looked into, 
I have given an Account of it to the Catholick King my Master, and till 
I receive his Command what I am to do, I shall not resolve any thing. 
You shall find me ready on all Occasions to serve You in whatever way 
offer itself. I am &c. 

Francisco de Moral Sanchez 
St. Augustine of Florida 

24. March 1735/6 
13 

 143 (361) 

To Mr. Oglethorpe from Captn.Dempsy. 

St. Augustine in Florida 2^.th April N.S. 1736 

14 

Sir/ 

I had the honour to write to you by Major Richard, & since by a 
Ship that sailed for Charles Town the 4th Inst. N.S. and am very uneasy 
not to have an answer to either for fear you should be indisposed, the 
Govr. and all the Officers of this Garrison wait with great impatience 
your Letters, they are entirely divided which misunderstanding is laid 
to Nerry, who is by his insinuating way become first Minister, the said 
Nerry and his Partners have furnished this place from Charles Town with 
Powder, Ball, Arms and other Warlike Stores, in great quantity, for I 
am told that they have from time to time brought here 200 barrels of 
Powder and other Ammunition in proportion, as also Blanketts &c. for the 
Spanish Indians, which will be of very ill consequence if the past be 
not severely punished and such practices (being directly contrary to Lpw) 
for the future prevented. Two of Nerry's worthy Partners are now here, 
one ^ a Taylor called Stanbury, who for convenience is here a Roman end 
there a Priestbyterian, who being asked by one Bryixe (Master of the 
Unity Sloop belonging to Capt. Davis) why he carried Ammunition to the 
Spaniards to (may be) destroy our selves, his answer was, that he did 
not care how many Peoples brains were blown out so that he got money, the 
other is one Bulard, by trade a Carpenter, who stiles himself Field 
Marshall of the Charles Town Cavalry, a very empty insolent Fellow, who 
told one Ripp Master of a New York Sloop that trades here for Provisions, 
who talking of you Sir being named by his Majesty Governour of South 

 146 (361) 

Carolina, the Field Marshall answered that he die. not believe a word 
on*t, and that you dare not so much as go to Charles Town, but that in 
case, contrary to his wishes it should be so, he would lay down his 
Commission. This same Fellow told also here to one Mr. Crokatt Mer 
chant of Charles Town, who came here to settle some account with Nerry, 
that the Deputy Governour had laid an Embargo on his Brigg, and that at 
his return he would arrest him for & 2000 Damages. You may be sure he 
held this insolent Discourse to others, which makes his Britannick 
Majesty's Governours and other superiour Officers look very little when 
sRch a Puppy takes these Liberties; he goes back to Charles Town in a 
day or two in the Edward and Elizabeth Brigantine, belonging, as he 
says, to (362) himself, and has contracted (as I am credibly informed) 
with the Governour of this place for two or three hundred small Arms. 
The best way to come to the bottom & certitude of this Affair, without 
exposing me (who should be certainly murdered) is to arrest the Masters 
and Fellows belonging to the Embarkations consigned here to Nerry, as 
also them belonging to Capt. Davis's Sloop the Unity, for fear he 
should be suspected of giving such Information, as also to order the 
Merchants there to give an Account of what Ammunition they sold, a.nd to 
whom, these two Years past, for their Books will be sufficient Evidence, 
but manage it so, as first to let the Arms be put on board the Brigg. 
Pardon I humbly beg, the Liberty I take to give so knowing a Person as 
you are, Sir, any Advice, which I am prompted to only by the great 
value I have for your safety and honour. Capt. Davis presents You his 
most humble respects and has I can assure You been postponed for the 
Payment of some thousand pieces of Eight because he refused to furnish 

 14? (362) 

them with Arms and Ammunition, for they offered him the Preference. He 
intends under your Protection to carry the Trade to Georgia and there to 
take a house which will be very beneficial to the Colony. Pray let me 
know your Will on that particular. The Discourse of the Govr. and these 
people rolls entirely on your settling on the Lands and Islands belonging 
to the King their Master, but I have insinuated to some of the Tattlers, 
that I heard that before ever a Spaniard set foot on the said Lands that 
Sr. Walter Raleigh had taken possession of them in the name of his Royal 
Mistress Queen Elizabeth, so let them prove the contrary. If it is 
possible to put an old decayed Stone with an Inscription in Gothick 
Letters, with the Year of her Majesty's Reign, agreeing with the year 
Sr. Walter sailed that way, or to cut the Bark of some very zi old Tree, 
it would lay a foundation for a long Law Suit, so give you time to 
settle in such a manner that all the Spanish Forces in America could not 
disturb you; besides, I know perfectly well that the Contest will be 
referred to the Courts in (363) Europe, so in my humble opinion, 'twould 
not be amiss to prevent the Court Ministers and your Friends on that head, 
for now Le Vin est ture, il faut le boire, car il est trop tard de 
reculer. If you think fit Sir, that I should remain here, or go to 
Mexico, La Vera Crux, or Havanna, do me the honour to let me know it as 
soon as possible, for this is a most dismal, dear place, but if a hundred 
times worse and it could be any way serviceable or pleasing to You I 
would remain here ten years, for when I came to wait on you, it was with 
a firm resolution to carry your Commands to the very Gates of Hell. If 
possible you could prevail with Mr. Horton to give leave to Bourke to come 
to me, he would be of very great use, being a Roman and knowing somewhat 

 148 (363) 

of th& Spanish. If Nerry was once out of this place I could then make 
an Overture to the Governour, but until then there is nothing to be 
done, for he is his All, though I believe now he would be glad to be 
rid of him for he is generally hated, and makes the Govr. much dis 
respected. I ha is been very ill since here, but now God be praised 
much better. If there are any Letters for me from Europe be so good as 
to send them, the poor Garrison here is cruelly fatigued, being on Duty 
every other Day, 30 men mount Guard in the Castle, the Govr., Bishop 
and all other Officers and Soldiers live in this miserable Village. I 
am with the most sincere respect 

Sir 

Your most humble & most obedt.Servt. 

C. Dempsy. 
P.S. 

Since my Letter was sealed I have discovered that the Govr. 
wanted to agree with a Person here for 2000 Barrels Flour, 12000 
bushels of Corn and 200 or 300 small arms to be furnished immediately, 
and as much Powder as he could possibly get, as also Blanketts and every 
other thing suitable for 200 Tallamouchy Indians, which he expects here 
daily, and other Forces, as you may believe, hereafter, by the vast 
(Quantity of Provisions bespoken, besides what he has already in the 
Castle. This Person refused him down right, so the Nerry Vessels are to 
bring all they possibly can, and to go elsewhere in case they cannot do 
(364) the business at Charles Town. Besides that he expects from New 
York 1500 Barrels of Flour, the Merchant at New York his Name is Capt. 
Walton, a vast rich man, so Sir, if you do not put a Stop to this, and 

 149 (364) 

that timely, both Caroline and Georgia must prepare for a bloody War. You 
know Sir, better than any one can tell you what to do in this case, for 
if they have no provisions nor arms, the more here the worse for them. 
I really should be gla.d to receive your Orders to go from this dismal 
place. If these Informations should be suspected to come from me I 
should certainly never see you again, and the Person he wanted to con 
tract with will surely lose a large Sum of money due to him here, and 
maybe hanged. Let me hear from )f You as soon as possible, and nothing 
of this intimated in your Letter, there must be a Stop put to all 
English Ships coming from any part of America here without a Licence, 
nay, any English Bottom from elsewhere. 

25th April 10 at night. 

My Intelligencer this morning told me at my bed Side that one 
Capt. Watson Master of a Sloop, trading now and then to this place from 
Charles Town, had brought some small Arms in his last Voyage here, and 
that he had contracted to bring more, with Powder, Ball & other Ammuni 
tion, he is a very cunning man, talking pretty good French and Spanish, 
his Son is Master of the Sloop. You must be wary in sifting this 
Affair. If I can be any way serviceable I shall stay here as long as 
you please, though in the World there is not such another Prison, but 
pray order my things and other necessaries and if possible send me 
Bourke, you must pretend to have here some Spanish Fryar or Indian Spy, 
car money fait tout, le 26th April N.S. 7 of the Clock in the morning. 
Adieu. 

 130 (365) 

36 

April 

Memorial of the King's Title to Georgia. 

The first Discovery of this Country was made by Sebastian 
Cabbat who was fitted out by Henry the 7th & 8th and Possession then 
taken in ±ki the Name of the King of England, and Sr. Francis Drake 
did in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth upon the Spaniards settling there/ 
take and burn the Fortress of Augustine and thereby maintained the 
English Right. 

The SpaaJaE&x Spaniards some years after the burning of Augustine 
by Sr. Francis Drake retook possession of that Place, but the Crown of 
England looked upon the same as an Intrusion, and continued asserting 
their rights to these Countrys as far as the 29th Degree of Northern 
Latitude. And King Charles the First made a Grant upon that Right of 
this Province then called Carolana. Afterwards King Charles the Second, 
still presuming upon the same right, did upon the former Patent being 
for Non us or forfeited, grant all the Lands from 36 to 29 Degrees of 
Northern Latitude, to the Lords Proprietors of Carolina, and thereby 
asserted his right to these Countrys. 

But the Spaniards say that they have always continued in posses 
sion of Augustine under the Pope's Grant, and that they have supported 
that Grant by Conquest, that when my Lord Cardross came and settled at 
Port Royal under a Grant from the Lords Proprietors, they Dislodged him 
by force of Arms, as being an Intruder upon their Dominions, and that 
the Crown of England sat down contented therewith. 

In answer to which we do allow that they did dislodge my Lord 
Cardross by treachery, and murdered several Families, which was an 

 151 (365) 

Infraction of the Peace then subsisting with the Crown of Spain. And 
the said Injury was afterwards fully revenged by the Crown of Great 
Britain, for the Creek Indians being in Alliance with the Crown of Great 
Britain (366) did in the year 1?05 attack the Spaniards & Appellachee 
Indians took the Appellachee's Towns and the Spanish Forts. And that 
the same Indians being in Alliance with the English did soon after take 
the Town of Augustine, besiege the Fort, but not having Artillery for to 
take the Fort, they at last raised the Siege, and came back over the 
Rivers, but would never suffer the Spaniards to pass the River St. 
Johns. That in that Expedition which was during an open War between the 
French and Spaniards on one Side and the Queen of England & her Allies 
on the other, the Creek Indians being of the Number of her Allies, did 
by force of Arms beat the Spaniards out of all the Islands and Lajads 
from Port Royal to Augustine. 

That after the raising the Siege at Augustine, the Creek Indians 
still kept Possession of the River St. Johns, and would never suffer the 
Spaniards to resettle either on the Islands or Continent on this Side of 
the River, and that, during that Possession, the Treaty of Utrecht was 
made, by which her Majesty and ih her Allies were to keep all that they 
were then possessed of, except such places as in that Treaty were stipu 
lated to be Delivered up. 

And that since that Treaty the Creek Inidans have continued in 
Possession to the very Hour that they delivered the Possession thereof 
to James Oglethorpe for the use of his Britannick Majesty, pursuant to 
a Treaty Concluded between his said Majesty and that Nation. Therefore 
it appears that the Lands as far as St. John's River doth belong unto 

 132 (366) 

his Majesty by the same Right, that any other Lands in America do 
belong unto him, which is by being in possession thereof under Treaties 
of Peace, and whatsoever can be urged against his Majesty's Right to 
these his (36?) Dominions may as well be urged against his right to Nova 
Scotia, Jamaica, or any other part of America, since the Pope's Grant 
reaches to all America, and the Spaniards never gave up their Rights in 
form to any Part, only that each Party should hold what they stood 
possessed of at the time of concluding the Treaty. And the Crown of 
Britain by their Allies the Creeks, were in possession of the same at 
the time of the Treaty of Utrecht, and have continued in Possession 
thereof to this hour, as appears by the Affidavits hereunto annexed. And 
the Spaniards have acquiesced in that Possession since they never pre 
tended to keep any Guard beyond St. John's River, but have always kept 
one, and sometimes two Guards on the South side of St. John's River. 

Copy 

From Mr. Oglethorpe to the D. of Newcastle 

Lord 

Your Grace's time is so precious, that it would be injuring the 
Publick to intrude upon your Goodness, but as I should be as much to 
blame in not writing what is important, as in writing any thing trifling, 
I cannot neglect acquainting your Grace, that a Gentleman who came with 
a Packet from Sr. Thomas Fitzgerald to the Captain General of Florida 
and Governour of Augustine desired I would send him up to that place, 
which I did, & desired him to carry a Letter from me to the Captain 
General, 

 133 (367) 

The Indian King Tomo Chachi (pursuant to the assurances he gave 
to His Majesty and your Grace in England) went down with me to the 
utmost Limits of the King of Great Britain's Dominions to put us in 
Possession of all the Lands held by their Nation, from this Island to 
the (368) Spanish Frontiers. There are three beautiful Islands upon 
the Sea Coast, the first, the Indian King's Nephew Tooanahowi who was in 
England, called Cumberland, saying that the Duke had given him a Watch 
to show him how to use time, and that he had obtained Leave of the 
Creek Nation to give his Name to that Island, that through all times 
his Benefactor's Name might be remembered. The next Island, the fairest 
of this Province, I called Amelia. Oranges, Myrtles and Vines grow wild 
upon it. To the South of Amelia lies another Island, the Southermost 
part of which, called St. George's Point, is the farthest part of the 
Dominions of his Majesty on the Sea Coast in North America. The River 
St. Johns divides that Island from the Spanish Florida, it is there 
about two Miles wide, and on the point of the opposite Side the Spaniards 
keep a Guard. 

The Boat is returned with Letters from the Captain General of 
Florida, and Governour of Augustine, and I have sent Copies of the 
Letters between me and him to the Trustees, and a Memorial setting forth 
his Majesty's Right to these Countrys, who will lay them before your 
Grace. 

I am in quiet Possession as far as the Spanish Outgards, and 
therefore hope I shall have directions what to do. I have heard that 
the Spanish General intends to order me to quit as far as the River 
Edistow, that is to say, all Georgia and part of Carolina, but as I 

 (368) 

cannot deliver up a foot of Ground belonging to his Majesty, to a foreign 
Power without the breach of my Allegianc to his Majesty, I will alive or 
dead keep Possession of it 'till I have his Majesty's Orders, and if it 
is his Majesty*s Pleasure not to give up this most valuable part of his 
Dominions, I can assure your Grace that the fidelity of the Indians to 
his Majesty (369) and the Gratitude for their treatment when in 
England, is such, that with the same Assistance which we had last Year 
from Parliament, I shall not only be able to keep possession in spite of 
all the Force of Florida, Cuba and Mexico, but if I have orders (con 
sidering the Divisions amongst the Spaniards in one of those Provinces) 
there is more probability that the British Arms should entirely conquer 
them, than that they can ever drive us out. And this they know so well, 
that thought they may threaten, they dare not do so flagrant an Injus 
tice as to act against so clear a right as his Majesty hath to these 
Countrys, which are the Keys of all America. 

The Spaniards are very apprehensive of our Indians invading them, 
and as I can find no other means of preventing the wild Indians from it, 
I have been forced to raise Men and ordered an armed Boat to guard the 
River St. Johns and prevent any Indians from passing, and have acquainted 
the Governour of Augustine therewith. I have also built two Forts, the 
one on Saint Simons where I now am garrison'd with the English which I 
brought over, the other on Cumberland garrison'd with Highlandmen. And 
a Detachment of Germans, English and Americans set out yesterday to 
build another Fort upon Saint George's Point, in order to receive those 
Boats which are to prevent the Indians from invading the Spanish Pro 
vince, and thereby keep up the Tranquility between the two Crowns. 

 155 

I hope your Grace will not only excuse but approve of the length 
of my Letter since it is upon so important an Occasion as that of keeping 
a Province two hundred miles in % length, the L&nd capable of the 
richest Production, the Sea full of good Ports, near which all the large 
homeward bound Ships from the Spanish America must Pass. I am 

my Lord 

with the most profound respect 
Frederica in Georgia 

Your Grace's most obedient and 
17th April 1736 

most humble Servant 

To his Grace the Duke of Newcastle. James Oglethorpe 
Copy 

From Mr. Oglethorpe to the Trustees. 

Frederica the 17th April 1736 
Gentlemen 

I send you inclosed all the Proceedings between me a.nd the 
Governour of Augustine. I have advice that 1500 men and three men of 

War have left the 

Yesterday we heard Guns off the Sea, and one of our Out guards 
upon the Hills on the Southern Sea Post thought they discovered Ships. 
The Independent Company is arrived but the Man of Mar is not, which 
makes me fear for her. As it is impossible for any assistance to come 
from England time enough, it is better not speaking of this. All will 
be over here long before you receive it. We shall do our Duty and trust 
to Providence for Success. I have sent the Duke of Newcastle a. Letter 

 136 (370) 

inclosed to Mr. Vernon, who will deliver it to him and acquaint you 
what measures are necessary to be taken upon it. Mr. Causton has sent 
me his Cash Accompt, of which I have ordered him to send you one. It is 
necessary for me to draw upon You for & 300 to support the People at 
Savannah pursuant to your general Disposition. The Bills are for & 200 
and L 100 payable to Mr. Thomas Causton or his Order. I did on the 
12th instant draw upon you for & 30 payable to Mr. Caleb Davis or Order 
for support of the Agent at Augustine. I am 

Gentn. 

Your most obedient and 
most humble Servant 
Copy. James Oglethorpe 

(378) Copy of a Letter from Mr. Oglethorpe to Lieut. Govr. Broughton 
Dated at Frederica 28th March 1736. 

Sir 

Pursuant to His Majesty's Commands I have Settled and fortified 
on the -^sland of St. Simons, & have took the best measures that my 
small Judgment Suggested to me for putting the place into a Condition of 
Defence, and of being Supported by keeping an open Communication both by 
Land and Water. For this purpose, the Rangers and the Scout Boat will 
be necessary, the first have marched over Land from Savannah to the 
Darien, and a Surveyor sent by me with a Detachment of the Trustees Men 
has run the Traverse Line from Savannah by Fort Argyll to the Darien, 
from whence to this place is only 16 miles by Water. 

 157 (378) 

After this was done I vent down to the Frontiers to See where Bis 
Majesty's Dominions and the Spaniards joyn, s Detachment of Creek 3m&*tr 
Indians invited me to go down with them to Show me how far their Claim 
and Possession extended. I found that they have been in quiet Posses 
sion ever since the last War of all Lands on the North Side as far as 
the mouth of St. John's River, and that the Spaniards have Two Guards 
call'd Lookouts on the South Side of that River, the one 7 or 8 miles 
from the Sea, the other at the Sea Point. Tomo Chachi brought us to a 
Rock covered with Woods, from whence we could see the uppermost Lookout 
and they not discover us; He then said he would go out with his Indians 
and bring me in a Prisoner to inform me of their Situation, and cut off 
their Guards and drive them down to Augustine; For that the Number with 
him was sufficient so to do, and that the Lands as far as Augustine 
belonged to the Creeks but that the Spaniards had taken forcible and 
unjust Possession (379) of it. It was with much BiJriKX&xzz Difficulty I 
could prevent them from attacking the Spaniards, I therefore having two 
Boats with me,/ bigger than any one of theirs, obliged the Indians to 
Stay, and my self Set forward with one Host, and having viewed both the 
Spanish Out Guards I went round the Southward most Point of Bis Majesty's 
Dominions in North America, which I called St. George's Point and is 
over against the Spanish Lower Lookout, from which it is Seperated by 
the mouth of St. John's River which is there about a Mile wide. From 
thence I returned and found that the Highland Men, whom I had left upon 
an Island at the Southward most Entrance of this Port, had fortified 
themselves there. I called the new Fort St. Andrews, and the Island it 
stands the Highlands. 

 158 (379) 

I shall be obliged to keep a Boat on the River St. John to pre 
vent the Creek Indians from passing to hurt the Spaniards; The Governor 
of Augustine having informed me that he is very apprehensive of those 
Indians. And as I cannot answer for the Indians, and that an Hostility 
committed by them might be construed to be my Doing, I shall acquaint 
him that I cannot be answerable for keeping up the Tranquillity, but by 
maintaining a Boat & Guard to prevent them from passing the River. 

The Gentleman that brought Letters from the King of Spain's 
Secretary of State, and his Ambassador at London to the Governor of 
Augustine, and who came over in the Ship with me, is still at Augustine. 
Major Richards who conducted him thither is return'd with Letters both 
from him and the Governor full of Civility and Professions of Friendship 
mix'd with some Complaints of the Creek Indians not permitting them to 
Settle the Appellache Towns. (380) 

My private Advices from thence say that they have sent to 
Havannah, and Suspect thqt it is for Succours in Order to drive Us off. 
The Governor has stx acquainted me that he will send an Officer as his 
Plenipotentiary to treat with me for Settling the Boundaries and the 
Matter of the Appellache Towns; I have acquainted him that I am ready to 
receive his Plenipotentiary, or to meet him personally on the Frontiers 
which is at St. John's River. 

I have sent Pettiauguas for the Detachment in of the Independent 
Company. The Man of War is already arrived at Tybee, and I expect him 
here in a few Days. Mr. Jonathan Bryan &Mr. Barnwell have been with 
me to the Frontiers and behaved very handsomely. 

I am Ac. 

 139 (381) 

To Mr. Oglethorpe 

Charles Town 29th March 1736. 
Sir 

Last night arrived Capt. Wetson from St. Augustine who brings an 
Account that Major Richard left that place 9 days since, and that it was 
there talked that the Governour of that place did design to go with a 
Guard in order to meet you, but at what place he could not learn, with 
an intent to settle the Boundaries between the two Governments. That it 
was there talked that you intended to insist upon the River St. Juans 
which they seemed not well to relish, nor could they (as he thought) 
tell how to help themselves. That there was a Perriaugua fitting up for 
that purpose which formerly did belong to one Spottswood of this place 
who ran away to St. Augustine. He informs me that the Governour showed 
him a. Letter from Monsr. Beanville General of Louisiana and whose hand 
writing he knew (and he is the Person whose Journal of those parts I 
sent you about 18 months since) in which he offers that in case he 
should be attacked by the English, he would send him Five thousand men 
for his Assistance. 

S. Eveleigh. 

(389) Frederica in Georgia 12 Aprl. 1736 

There is a town laid out here, and 37 Palmetto Houses built; in 
wch. all the People are shelter'd till they can build better. The Town 
Lots ere already given out to each family, those upon the Strand consist 
of 30 Feet in front, & 60 Feet in depth, those farther from the Rivdr are 

 160 (389) 

60 Feet in Front, upon 90 Feet in depth. The Garden Letts of one Acre 
each, wch. are within half a mile of the town, are already mark'd out, & 
possession will be given to the People on Monday next, besides wch. the 
people in common plant Com in an old Indian field of about 60 acres. 
There is a Team of Horses & a Plough, with wch. there is some ground 
turned up, and in it some Flax & Hemp Seed sowed, as also half an acre 
of Bane* Barley, w&h. is come up very well, & some Lucorn Grasse. We have 
a pretty deal of Potatoes in the Ground, and should have had more, but 
the labouring men wch. were to have come from the Northward, being not 
arriv'd, Mr. Oglethorpe hired several of our Free-holders to build a 
Fort, wch. is now near finish'd, it consists of four Bulwarks and a 
Ditch wth. some Outworks, frazed round wth. Cedar Posts, the works are 
faced wth. green Sod, wch. grows very well. 

Capt. McPherson came owr Land from Savannah to Darien, (390) 
wch. lies 16 Miles above us, upon this River, there are above 100 High 
landers Here who bear arms, since that Mr. Hugh Mackay & Mr. Augustine 
came over land with 15 Horses from Savannah to darien & run a traverse 
line all the way, by wch. they find it to be 70 miles in a streight 
line, & 90 by the Places where the Swamps are passable. Mr. Oglethorpe 
has agreed with Capt. Mc-Pherson to deliver him a large quantity of 
Cattle at the Darien, so that we shall be supplied this summer with 
fresh Beef and have already an open communication by Land with Carolina, 
& all North-America. 

Tomachichi Mice, Tooanahowi his nephew and a large party of 
Indians came down to Mr. Oglethorpe, & brought in as many Deer as fed 
the whole Colony for some days, they told him they would go hunt the 

 161 (390) 

Buff aloe as far as the Spanish Frontiers, but he being apprehensive from 
some suspicious words that they design'd to fall upon the Spanish Cut- 
guards, told them that he would go with them, they said then that they 
would shew him, (as they promis'd to the King in England) what lands 
belonged to their nation. The firet day they carried him to an Island 
at the mouth of Jekyl Sound, where on a high Ground, commanding the 
Passes of the River, he left a large party of Highlanders under the 
commd. (391) of Mr. Hugh M&ckay Lieut. in his Majesty's Service, marked 
out a Fort, wch. at their desire, he call'd St. Andrews, & Toonanhowi 
pulling out a watch given him in England by his Royal Highnesse the 
Duke, gave the name Cumberland to the Island in memory of his Royal 
Highnesse. 

The next day they pass'd the Clothogotheo, another branch of the 
Alatahama, and discover'd another very fine Island about 16 Miles 2;ong, 
with Oranges, Myrtle, & Vines growing wild, to wch. he gave the name of 
Amelia, in Memory of her Highnesse the Princesse Amelia. And the third 
day arriving near the Spanish look-out, the Indians shew'd their desire 
of ailing upon the Spaniards, to prevent wch. Mr. Oglethorpe left them 

r< 

upon an Island, & having run down the River St. Wan's, doubled point 
St. George, being the north point of St. John's River, & the Southermost 
point of his Majesty's dominions upon the Sea Coast of North America. 
The Spaniards being in possession, & having a Guard, call'd a Look-out, 
on the other side of the said River. 

That night Mr. Oglethorpe met the Boat with Major Richards, who 
was return'd from escorting the Gentleman sent by the Spanish Ambassador 
in London to the Govr. of Augustine. Tomochichi Mice, & his Indians, 

 162 (391) 

having first discover'd them in the Night would have cut 'em into 
pieces, taking (392) them for Spaniards, and were with much difficulty 
prevented by Mr. Oglethorpe from charging them. 

On his return Mr. Oglethorpe call'd at St. Andrews, and was 
agreeably surprised to find the Fort in a State of defence, he thank'd 
the Highlanders for their diligence, & offered to carry any of them back 
that cared to leave the place, but not one of them would do so, saying 
that whilst there was danger they would stay tho* they should lose their 
next Harvest. 

Here are two Ships, the James, Capt. Jno. Toakley, & the Peter & 
James, Capt. Gee. Pymonc., both riding close under the Fort. We have a 
Magazine 60 Foot long, 18 Foot wide, and 3 Stories high almost finish'd. 
Mr. Jonathan Bryan, Mr. Horton, & Mr. Tanner accompanied Mr. Oglethorpe 
in his Cruize to the South and hehav'd extreamly well. 

The Country as far as St. Wan's River was conquerd from the 
Spaniards in Queen Ann's War, and was in possession of our allied 
Indians at the Treaty of Utrecht, therefore by the Articles of that 
Treaty, wch. says that all Territories in America shall remain to those 
who are in possession of them, these lands being in possession of the 
Indians who are Allies to Great Britain & have since made them over to 
the King, they belong to the King of Great Britain. % . 

(397) Frederica Aprl. l4th 1736 

The Spaniards having complain'd that the Indians fell upon them 
from all quarters, Mr. Oglethorpe has sent down two Boats well fitted 

 163 (397) 

out to patrole upon the River St. John's to give Notice to his friendly 
Indians not to passe the Rivers, & thereby prevent their doing any 
Mischief to the Spaniards, & Major Richard is gone on board the Boats 
with the answers to the Spanish Governor's letters, & to acquaint him 
of the measures Mr. Ogiethorpe has taken for preventing the Indians from 
molesting them. 

A detachment of 30 men from the Independant Company at Port Royal 
arrived here yesterday under the command of Ensign delagall. Mr. Ogie 
thorpe sent them down immediately to the Sea point of this sland, 7 
miles from hence, & went down in the Scout Boat, to shew them the 
ground, had a well immediately dug, where they found good water. They 
have entrench'd themselves, & have mounted some Cannon & there is a 
communication by land from thence open'd to them. 

Several Sails have been mot seen off the Coast, & Advices are 

come from Augustine, that the General had beat to Arms, & that a party 

** 

(393) of the Garrison, & all the Horse was marched out. It was also 

reported there that a Strong detachment & some large Ships were come 
from Cuba, in order to assist them against the English, but this last 
report wants confirmation. 

It is certain that the Spaniards are Settling a town in the 
Appellachee old Fields, wch. were conquer'd from them by the English 
and the Creek Indians during the late war. 

The Man of war is not yet arriv'd & Advices are come from the 
Garrison at the Sea point, that they have heard several Guns fired far 
out at Sea, & have seen some Ships lying off & on: The upper Fort at 
St. Andrews is finish'd and the Guns mounted, and the Pallisadoes are 
ready for the lower Fort. 

 164 (409) 

Extract of a letter from Georgia dat. Aprl. 21. 1736 

Mr. Houston brings account from Frederica that some of the Creek 
Indians have been & cut off one of the Spanish Garrisons, 

opposed to St. Juan's, & kill'd & taken 7 of the Spaniards, wch. were 
all in the Fort. The Governor of St. Augustine sent to Mr. Oglethorpe 
to demand Satisfaction, & says he could find but two of his men, wch. 
were both dead in the Fort. 

(41?) Extracts 

South Carolina April 30th 1736. 

The Article of Skins for Remittance from hence will we fear be 
greatly lessen'd for the future. Mr. Oglethorpe we have reason to 
believe will at all Events have the Trade carried on to the Southern 
Indians from Georgia Exclude any Trade amongst them from this place, and 
even Sieze the Effects and Imprison our People trading with them (altho* 
a free Independent People) they have not yet proceeded so far, but it's 
daily expected; what is equally extravagant, the Officers at Georgia by 
his orders have Stop'd our Navigation of Savannah River, lying between 
this Province and Georgia, even to our own Settlements on our Side of 
the River, and a few days ago Stove several hhds. of Rum going up to our 
Garrison at Savannah Town in this Province with our Governour's Licence 
and Permission (which we hear they tore to Pieces) they who had the Care 
of the Boats Imprison'<! & bhe Boats which were Loaden with Indian 
Trading Goods detained. Such extraordinary unwarrantable Proceedings 

 165 (417) 

will doubtless cause very great Disturbances here, prejudice to both 
Colonys, if they persist in such wild Extravagancies and give so much 
Interruption to our Indian Traders, we apprehend most if not all from 
hence, will decline the Trade to the Creeks and other Southern Indians 
for fear of their Interest being Sacrificed, and no hopes of Redress 
from whence near two thirds of the Deer Skins are brought; a poor 
Return for the Assistance we have afforded that new Settlement; we 
apprehend these measures will cause great uneasiness amongst those free 
Indians, who have constantly had Trade with the People of this Province, 
and we fear may occasion their Proceeding to violent measures; our 
Government seems to be already alarm'd on that account from some late 
Advices from the (4l8) several Indian Nations. The Expence this Pro 
vince all along from the first Settling Carolina have been at both 
of Men and Money to preserve this very Colony which would otherwise in 
all probability long ago been in Possession of the French and Spaniards, 
had they not been constantly removed by us and the Indians, whose 
Friendship and Attachment we secured & preserved at no small Expence 
Surely some regard ought to be had for Carolina, which for so many years 
under so many Discouragements and in its Infancy maintained and preserved 
the barrier of North America from the French Spaniards and the many 
great Nations of Indians, and now to be Strip'd of their Trade and other 
rights and Priviledges enjoyed by all other his Majesty's Subjects is 
very grating is very ill disgested by its Inhabitants and the favours of 
the Crown and a National Expence heaped on such a Sett of People for 
Industry Morality & Sobriety scarcely to be met with on the face of the 
Earth. 

 166 (418) 

South Carolina June 30th 1736. 

We are very apprehensive of losing our Trade with the Indians for 
Deer Skins, which is the most valuable Article of Returns from hence, 
for Mr. Oglethorpe under an Act pass'd by the Trustees confirmed by Bis 
Majesty in Council (which is only a bare Transcript of our Act for 
regulating the Indian Trade) has taken upon him to Summons all our 
Indian Traders down to Georgia in order to take out Licences to trade 
and fit out there under their regulations, and all except a very few 
have Complyed, Some by Inclination in order to defraud their Creditors 
(41$) being Indebted near one hundred thousand pounds Currency to this 
Province, others for fear of ruin by having all their Effects in the 
Indian Nations Stxx Siezed and forfeited, their Persons imprison'd and 
fined one hundred gotz pounds Sterling by said Law for trading amongst 
the Indians without a Licence obtained from thence, those few who came 
down for Licences as usual refused to go without the Protection of this 
Government, well knowing the Consequence; on this occasion the General 
Assembly was called again to consider what was proper to be done, and 
either to assent and maintain their Trade with our Neighbour Indians 
under due Regulation as heretofore & thereby keep up the good under 
standing and Friendship we have been at so much Expence to preserve with 
all our Friendly Indians, or give the Trade up to Georgia entirely and 
Submit to hazard the Peace and Welfare of this Province under the Direc 
tion and management of men ignorant and unexperienced in those affairs, 
for the Indians are a Ticklish jealous People, and if not managed with 
great Prudence, will soon enter upon measures very destructive to both 
Colonys as we have found by fatal Experience, the lower House of 

 16? (419) 

Assembly (but by one vote) have passed an Ordinance to Indemnify and 
make good the Loss of such Traders as take Licences and fit out under 
the regulation of this Government, to the amount of tvo thousand pounds 
Sterling, in case their Effects &c are Siezed by the Officers of 
Georgia (as we expect will be the Case) for Mr. Oglethorpe seems deter- 
min'd at all Events right or wrong by force to drive us out of the Trade 
with the Indians, depending on all his Actions being justifyed, not by 
the Rules (420) of Law and reason (which can't possibly be in this 
case) but Interest. As there is an Expectation of his presiding over 
us many are afraid of acting Counter to his Designs and would chuse to 
Sacrifice the Interest of the Province than risque his Displeasure, 
however some there are amongst us weak enough to imagine that no power 
but an Act of Parliament can take away our natural Rights and Priviledges 
of Trading with a free People in Friendship with all the Kings Subjects. 
The Indians know not what to think of the late precipitate Proceedings 
of the Georgians, are jealous Some designs are forming against them 
that their old Friends (as they call us) throw them away and don't 
carry Goods amongst them as usual besides losing the most valuable 
Branch of our Tra.de by these measures, the Consequence will be much 
worse to Carolina, for when that's gone the Dependence of the Indians is 
gone also; how precarious then will all our Estates be, which can't be 
the ca,se with our Neighbours for they have little or nothing to lose but 
what the Crown and People's Charity afford them for Industry theres 
none, our Agent hath orders to represent these things with many other 
Arguments that might be offered to the King in Council, but we fear the 
Success, the Interest is too powerful for a People who always boldly 
look'd forward and have Struggled and Surmounted more Difficultys in 

 168 (420) 

their Infancy than all his Majesty's Colonys in America put together. 
We must beg your Excuse for dwelling thus long on so disagreable a 
Subject. 

(421) 1 May 1736 Mr. Inghams journal of his voyage to Georgia. 

To my much honrd. Mother, my dearly beloved Brethren end Sisters, 
and all my Christian Friends, Grace, Mercy, and Peace be multiplied from 
Almighty God the Father, and from our Lord Jesus Christ with the Holy 
Ghost, to whom be Glory, Honour, and Praise for ever & ever. Amen. 

Blessed, for ever blessed Sgcddot be the God and Father of our 
Lord Jesus Christ, the Father of Mercy and the God of all Consolation, 
who of his great goodnesse has been graciously pleas'd to conduct us 
safe thro' the terrors of the great deep. "They that go down to the Sea 
"in Ships, and occupy their business in great waters; these men see the 
"works of the Lord, and his wonders in the deep. For at his word the 
"stormy wind ariseth, which lifteth up the waves thereof, they are 
"carried up to the Heavens & down again to ye deep, their Soul melteth 
"away because of the trouble. They reel to & fro, and are inadt tost up 
"& down, so that they are at their wits end. Then they cry unto ye Lord 
"in their trouble, and he delivereth them out of their distresse. For 
"he maketh the Storm to cease so that the waves thereof are still: Then 
"they are glad, because (422) they are at rest, and so he bringeth them 
"iot unto the Haven where they would be. 0 that Men KBH& would therefore 
"praise the Lord for his Goodness, and declare the wonders that he doth 
"for the Children of Men. 

 169 (422) 

I can now inform You that we are all arriv'd in safety & in good 
Health in Georgea. But because I beleive that a Relation of our Voyage 
will not be unacceptable to You, I shall with God's assistance, set down 
both the Chief Occurrences thereof, and also the Reasons which mov'd me 
undertake it. But least you should think of me or my designs, more 
highly than you ought to think, I do assure You that I am a very 
grievous & abominable Sinner, proud, sensual, self-will'd: And Oi that 
I was truly sensible and heartily sorry of being so: 0 that it please 
Almighty God of his great grace to make me throughly humble & contrite. 
0 that my Sins were done away, that my nature was changed, that I was 
a new Creature, in Christ Jesus, then perhaps God would make me an 
Instrument to his Glory. 0 my dear Friends, I beg of You, I intreat 
You, I beseech You, pray mightily to God in my Behalf that I be not a 
Castaway. (423) 

About 6 weeks before we took Shipping for Georgea, I receiv'd a 
letter from the Revd. Mr. John Wesley Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxon; 
the Substance whereof was as follows — "Fast & pray, and then send me 
"Word whether You dare go with me to ye Indians." Having observ'd his 
directions, abt. 3 days after the receipt of his, I answer'd him to 
this effect. "I am satisfied that God's providence has placed me in my 
"present Station; whether he would have me go to the Indians, or not, I 
"am not yet informed; I dare not go without being call'd." I kept his 
letter secret for some days, I was utterly averse from going; I did not 
in the least intend it; I thought we had Health enough at home: How 
ever I continued to pray that God vould be pleas'd to direct me, whether 
he would have me go or not. 

 170 (423) 

About a Fortnight after this, Mr. John Wesley came to London, as 
also his Brother Chafles, and Mr. Salmon, a Gentleman of Brazen-nose 
College, Oxo. The first time I was with them, I desired to know the 
reasons which mov'd them to leave England; they answer'd they thought 
they could be "better Christians, alledging several particular (424) 
advantages which they might reasonably expect would farther their 
spiritual progress/ by going among the Indians. Some of their Reasons I 
approv'd of, to others I objected alledging, that a man may be a Christian 
in any place, but chiefly insisting upon this, That no one ought to go 
without being call'd of God. They told me if I required a Voice or a 
Sign from Heaven, That was not now to be expected; and that a man had no 
other way of knowing God's will, but by consulting his own reason, his 
Friends, and observing ye order of God's Providence. They therefore 
thought it a sufficient call to choose that way of life, which they had 
reason to beleive would most promot their Christian welfare. Our Con 
versation being ended, they lent me several letters written by Mr. 
Oglethorpe relating to ye Indians, their manner of living, their 
Customs and their great Expectations of having a white man come amongst 
them to teach them wisdom. All this mov'd me little, I had no mind to 
leave England: However I now began to pray more frequently and fervently 
that God would be pleas'd to direct me to do his will. 

Besides the 3 Gentlemen aforesaid, there was also one Mr. Hall, 
Brother in Law to Mr. Wesley's resolutely determined to go. (425) 
When they had been in London about 10 days, in wch. time I frequently 
conversed with them, I found my Heart so mov'd one night by being with 
Mr. John Wesley, that almost witho. thinking it, I said to him, "If 

 171 (425) 

"neither Mr. Hall nor Mr. Salmon go along with you, I will go." At that 

time there seem'd no probability that either of them would draw back. 

to 
They were both of them ordained by the Bishop of London in order/%a go; 

Mr. Salmon deacon, Mr. Hall, both deacon and Priest; But lo! Mr. Salmon 
was immediately seiz'd upon by his Relations in Town, and sent down 
Poste Haste to his Parents in Cheshire. Upon his arrival his Father 
left the House furious and distracted, protesting he would not return 
unless his Son would Stay; his Mother was labouring under a fever. In 
this distresse he knew not what to do; he promis'd his Parents to Stay, 
writing Mr. Wesley word he hop'd to follow him next Spring. Tho' since 
then he has writ to him, telling him, he doth not think himself as yet 
at liberty to leave Father and Mother. However Mr. Hall still continued 
Steady. Neither his wife nor nether, nor Brother, nor Uncle, nor all 
his Friends, either by Prayers, Tears, Threats, or Entreaties, could in 
the least turn him aside (426) from his purpose. 

A few days after this Mr. Wesley began to be more importunate with 
me, HXgK urging me with my Promise, telling me he had now little hope of 
Mr. Salmon, and. as for Mr. Hall, he could not gOEHph properly be said to 
go with him; for his design was to go amongst the Indians, whereas Mr. 
Hall was only to go to Savannah and be Minister there; and as for his 
Brother Charles he went over only as Secretary to ye Trustees for the 
Colony of Georgea. I still refusing, telling him, "If Mr. Hall went I 
"would not go." Nevertheless I pray'd very earnestly, almost night end 
day resolving upon it: My Head began now to be more and more affected; 
it pleas'd God to let me see I might be a better Christian by going with 
Mr. Wesley. I thought by living with him, and having his Example always 

 172 (426) 

before mine Eyes I should "be enabled to rise regularly and early, and 
spend all my time carefully, which are great and necessary points in 
Christianity, and wherein I grew very deficient by living in London. 
Besides these there were three other Reasons wch. mov'd me; I thought 
I should not meet with so many temptations to Sensuality and Indulgence 
among the Indians, as in England. Hereby likewise I see I should be 
(42?) freed from the Slavery of worldly Interest, and the danger and 
drudgery of hunting for preferment, which hinders so many from being 
Christians, making them to betray the Church to serve the State, and 
deny Jesus Christ to please worldly-minded men. The last and chief 
reason was the Goodness of the work and the great and Glorious promises 
that are made to those who forsake all for the Sake of the Gospel. 
Notwithstanding all these reasons I was not yet fully determined to go. 
But what is very remarkable, the Psalms, the Lessons, and all that I 
read then suggested to me that I should go: So that being at morning 
Prayers in Westminster Abbey Tuesday Oct. ?. 1735, the 10 Chapter of 
St. Mark, which was then read, made so strong and vigorous an impression 
upon me, that at the hearing of these words ("And Jesus answer'd and 
"Said, verily, I say unto You, there is no man that hath left house, or 
"Brethren, or Sisters, or Father, or Mother, or Wife or Children, or 
"Lands for my Sake and the Gospels, but he shall receive an hundred-Fold 
"Now in this time, Houses & Brethren and Sisters, and Mothers and 
"Children, and Lands with Persecutions; and in the world to come Eternal 
"life.") I determin'd in my Heart that I would go. (428 ) I may 
likewise observe here that without any intention or design, I read the 
same Capter next day at St. Sepulchre's Church, which did not a little 

 173 (428) 

strengthen my resolution. 

The I was thus determined in my own mind, yet I did not immedi 
ately make known ay purpose to Mr. Wesley; but told him there were 3 
Objections against my going with him at present. The School at Osset 
was not yet finish*d; my Mother and Mr3. Nicolson knew nothing of the 
matter, whereas I ought to have acquainted them both, & obtained their 
Consent. To these Mr. Wesley answer'd, he did not doubt but God would 
provide better for the School in ny Absence than if I Stsy'd, especially 
if I recommended it to His Care in ny Prayers, which I hpve constantly 
done. Mr. Morgan, likewise (a gentleman of Lincoln College, Oxford, 
who came up to London to take leave of Mr. Wesley*s) A Zealous and 
Sincere Christian, being very earnest with me to go, promis'd himself to 
make a journey into Yorkshire to see my Mother, and to do what he could 
towards settling the School. As to having my Mother's Consent, he said, 
if I thought it wes God's will, I must obey my Master, & go wherever I 
could do him most service, whether my (429) Relations were willing or 
not. But however I could not go without Mr. Nicolson's knowledge & 
Consent, because that would be leaving the Parish unprovided, which 
would be unlawfull: We therefore put the matter upon this Issue, If 
Mr. Nicolson consented, I might go; if not, then there was a reasonable 
hindrance against my going at this time. 

Mr. Nicolson had been some weeks at his Parish of Matching in 
Essest, whereof I was curate, he usually came to town on Saturdays; but 
by a wonderfull providence he was now brought to town on Monday night; 
his Intent was to h?ve return'd the next day; but he was strangely 
detain*d by one thing or another till Wednesday. I would gladly h&ve met 

 174 (429) 

with him on Tuesday, but could not find him at home; however I writ a 
letter and order'd it to be given him as soon as he came; next morning 
he came to my Lodgings at Mr. Sissons, he told me he had receiv'd my 
letter; which had acquainted him with my designs, he was Sorry to part 
with me, my warning was Short, my departure Suddain, yet as I was going 
about a good work, he would not oppose me, provided I could preach 
(430) the Sunday following, he wou'd give me his Consent. I went to Mr. 
Oglethorpe to know if I could stay so long, he said I might. I retum'd, 
acquainted Mr. Nicolson, and so parted with him very friendly, he going 
directly into the Country. After this I made known my designs, and got 
things in readinesse as fast as I could. My Friends in town endeavour'd 
to dissuade me, but I did not consult them but God. 

Frid. Oct. On Friday Oct. 10 1735 I made my will, which I sent enclosed in 

10 1735 

a letter to you at Oseet. 

Sund. Oct. Sunday Oct. 12 I preach'd at St. Mary Somerset's in the morning, 
12. 

& at St. Sepulchres in the afternoon. Service being ended I took leave 

of my good old Friend Mrs. Sissons and her Family, who wept much, my 
cousin Robt. Harrap and some other Friends. Thence I went to Sr. John 
Philips a very worthy Gentleman & devout Christian, who shew'd me a 
great deal of Respect, and did me many Favours when I was in London, 
where having exhorted one another we kneeled down to prayer & so 
parted. Thence I went with Mr. Morgan to Mr. Button's, a good Family in 
Westminster, where we spent the next day with Mr. Wesley's chiefly in 
private; but there (431) happen'd such a remarkable Circumstance on it 
as I can not pass over in Silence. Mr. Hall who had made great pre 
parations for the Voyage, and had now got all things ready for his 

 175 (431) 

departure, having this very morning hired a Coach to carry himself & 
wife down to Gravesend, where the Ship lay, in the very hour, wherein 
they should have gone, drew back. He came unexpectedly and told Mr. 
Oglethorpe his Uncle a.nd Mother would get him a living, & therefore he 
would not go. So he, whom all hx his Friends could not dissuade before, 
lost himself, & dropt ell his resolutions in the very last moment. 

This Strange occurrence wch. was so much beyond all expectations, 
was a Strong & fresh demonstration to me, that it was God's will that I 
should go; Because as I observed, I had said to Mr. Wesley some time 
ago; "If neither Mr. Hall nor Mr. Salmon go along with you, I will go." 
And again, "If Mr. Hall goes, I will not go." 

Having now no further doubt but that I was intended by Providence 
Tuesd. Oct. 14 to accompany Mr. John Wesley; on Tuesday, Oct. 14, We, his Brother Mr. 

Charles, my self and Mr. Delamotte, Son of a Merchant in London, who had 
a mind to leave the world, & give (4i2) himself up entirely to God; 
being accompanied by Mr. Morgan, Mr. Burton one of the Trustees, & Mr. 
James Button, took boat at Westminster for Gravesend. We arrived there 
about 4 in the afternoon, & immediately went on beard the Ship call'd 
the Simonds. We had two Cabins allotted us in the Fore-Castle, I & 
Mr. Delamotte having the first, and Mr. Wesley's the other. Theirs was 
made pretty large, so that we could all meet together to read or pray 
in it. This part of the Ship was assign'd to us by Mr. Oglethorpe, as 
being most Convenient for privacy. 

Wednesday & Thursday we xKpdE spent chiefly with Mr. Morgan & Mr. 
Hutton, exhorting & encouraging one another; we also receiv'd the 

 176 (432( 

Lord's Supper with them each day, thereby to encrease our Spiritual 
Strength and resolution. They were both Sorry to part with us & I 
believe Mr. Morgan would have been very gla,d to have gone with us. 

Frid. Oct. 1? Friday Oct. 17. Mr. John Vesley began to learn the German tongue, 
in order to converse with the Moravians, a good, devout, peaceably & 
heavenly minded people, who were persecuted by the Papists, and driven 
from their Native Country upon ye account of their Religion; (433) they 
were graciously receiv'd and protected by Count Zinzendorff of Hern- 
houth, a very holy man, who sent them o-ser into Georgea, were lands will 
be given them. There were 26 of them in our Ship, and almost the only 
time you could know they were in the Ship, was when they were harmoniously 
*3rwz4*gYtlaa singing the praises of their great creatour, which they 
constantly do in publick twice a dey, wherever they are: Their example 
was very edifying. They are more like the primitive Christians than any 
other Church now in the world: for they retain both the Faith, practice 
& Discipline deliver'd by the Apostles. They have regularly ordain'd 
Bishops, Priests & deacons; Baptism, Confirmation, & ye Eucharist are 
duly administred; discipline is strictly exercised without respect of 
person, they all submit themselves to their Pastors, being guided by 
them in every thing. They live together in perfect love and peace, 
having for the present all things in common: they are more ready to 
serve their neighbour th^n themselves; In their businesse they are 
diligent and industrious in all their dealings strictly just and con 
scientious; in every thing they behave themselves with great (434) 
meekness, Sweetness and Humility. 

 177 (434) 

Sat. Oct. 18. Saturday Oct. 18. This morning Mr. John Vestley and I began to read the 
Old Testament, wch. we finished during our Voyage; Mr. Vesley likewise 
baptized a Man of 30, who before had only received Lay Baptism; I was 
witness. 

Sund. Oct. 19. Sunday Oct. 19. Mr. John Wesley began to preach without Notes, 

expounding a Portion of Scripture extempore, according to ye Antient 
Usage. During our Passage, he went over our Svaiour's Sermon on the 
Mount: he also constantly explain'd the 2d Lesson, except when he 
Cetechiz'd the Children; whereby all that heard with sincere hearts 
were much edified. To day being the first time we celebrated the Lord's 
Supper publickly (which we did constantly every Lord's day afterwards) 
we had but 3 Communicants besides our selves; a small number; yet God 
has been graciously pleas 'd to add unto them. All Love, all Glory be 
to thee 0 Lord. 

Mond. Oct. 20. Monday Oct. 20. I began to teach & Catechize the Children on Board 

our Ship, being in number about 12. I likewise help'd two or three of 
the Moravians to learn English. This I continued to do several weeks, 
till we came out to Sea, and then I could (435) do it but seldome by 
reason of ye Rolling of the Ship. 0 that we were all like little Chil 
dren, willing to be instructed & guided by our Heavenly Father. 0 that 
we were truly Sensible of our own Ignorance and how very little the 
KB wisest of us knows that is worth knowing. "It is God that teacheth 
knowledge. " 

Tuesd.0ct.21. Tuesday Oct. 21. We left Gravesend & went down the River tho' very 

slowly, the wind not being favourable to us. We now began to be more in 

 178 (433) 

earnest: we resolv'd to rise early & spend our time regularly and 
carefully. The first hour we allotted to pr&yer for ourselves & absent 
friends; the next we read the Scriptures; and from 6 to Breakfast we 
generally read some thing relating to the primitive Church. At 8 we 
had. publick prayers; the Forenoon I spent either in teaching or instruct - 
ing the Children, or reading antiquity. Mr. John Wesley in learning 
German; Mr. Charles Westly in writing; Mr. Delamotte in learning Greek 
or Navigation. At 12 we all met together to joyn in prayer, & to 
exhort one another, consulting both how to profit our Neighbours & our 
Selves. After dinner I taught the Children, or conversed religiously 
with some of the Passengers as also (436) Mr. Wesley constantly did. 
At 4 we had. publick prayer; from 5 to 6 we spent in private, then we 
supped. At 7 I read to as many of the Passengers as were willing to 
hear, and instructed them in Christianity. Mr. John Wesley joyn'd 
with the Moravians in their pjbllck devotion. At 8 we all met together 
again to give an Acct. of what ]& we had done, whom we had conversed 
with, deliberating upon the best method of proceeding with such and such 
persons; what advice, direction, Exhortation, or Reproof was necessary 
for them; & some times we read a little, concluding with prayer, and so 
went to Bed about 9^ sleeping soundly upon Matts, and Blankets, regarding 
neither the noise of the Sea, nor ye Sailors. "The Angels of the Lord 
"are round about them that fear him." 

Mond.Oct.2?. Monday Oct. 2?. We Sail'd from Margaret Road to ye downs. A 
Gentleman Passenger strongly opposed our having prayers in the great 
Cabin; and indeed he half carried his point, so that we were forced to 
submit to ye Inconvenience of having them between decks in ye afternoons, 

 179 (436) 

Sund. Nov. 2. 

Mono.. Nov. 3. 

till it pleas'd God to remove him out of ye Ship. 

Sunday Nov. 2 ve past the Fleet at Spithead, and came into 
Cows-Road off the Isle of Wight, where we lay till ye 10 of deer. (43?) 
During our Stay here, we had an excellent opportunity of promoting the 
work of God among our fellow Passengers. We met with Loth opposition 
and success, passing thro' evil report and good report. May it please 
the Almighty to give us all an abundant measure of his grace, zealously 
to preserve in his Service to the end of our days. Every Christian must 
*be perfected thro* Sufferings either inward or outward, for even the 
Captain of our Salvation was made perfect thro' sufferings, and we are 
to be like him. 

Mr. Charles Wesley being known to the Minister of Cows, preached 
several times in the Island, and also read at a poor woman's house to a 
good number of the people there assembled. Before he came away, he left 
a few Books among them; The poor people were very glad, express'd much 
thankfulnesse, & I believe were not a little edified by his admonition 
and Exhortation. 

Monday Nov. 3- We took a walk into ye sle, where we agreed upon 
the ^ following resolutions. 

In the name of God, Amen. We whose names are underwritten being 
fully convinced that it is impossible either to promote the work of God 
among the Heathen without an entire union amongst our Selves, or that 
such an Union should (438) subsist, unlesse each one will give up his 
single Judgement to that of ye Majority, do agree by the help of God — 
1. That none of us will undertake any thing of Importance, without 

 180 (438) 

first proposing it to the other three. 

2. That wherever our Judgements or inclinations differ, any 
one shall give up his Single judgement or Inclination to the 
others. 

3. That in case of an equality after begging God's direction, 
the matter shall be decided by Lot. 

J.W. C.W. B.I. C.D. 

The wind was now fair, but the Man of War which was to convoy us 
over was not yet ready. The Passengers grew impatient of delay; but 
our Heavenly Father intended it for our Good. "Known unto God are all 
"Ms works from everlasting: Unsearchable are thy ways, 0 Lord, God of 
"Hosts: Blessed art thou for ever." 

Hat. Nov. 8. Saturday, Nov. 8. I went upon quarter deck after dinner to teach 
the Children; but because eome gentlemen were there who laugh'd at me 
for it, I was asham'd to proceed. Oi what a dreadful Thing is the fear - 
of ManJ how doth it stagger our Stoutest Couregei 0 how deceitfull is 
my Heart! If thou., 0 lord, shouldst withdraw thy grace from me but 
(439) one day I should utterly renounce thee, and commit the most 
enormous Crimes. 

Sund. Nov. 6. Sunday Nov. 16. Mr. John Wesley baptized Thomas Bird and Grace 
his wife, Mark his Son, & Phebe his daughter, both adults, having pre 
pared them for it, by private instruction. To this I was a Witness; 
they were brought up Quakers, but are now Serious people and constant 
Communicants. Prais'd be the Lord who hath turned their hearts from 
Error, and put them in the right way. 

 181 (439) 

Thursd.Nov.20. Thursday Nov. 20. The Man of War being come we left Cows End 
got down to Yarmouth, where they cast anchor: but next morning the 
wind being contrary, we were forced back again into Cow's Road, during 
this our latter stay here, there were several Storms, in one of wch. 
two Ships that ventured out, were stranded upon the Island; notwith 
standing this several of my people murmered at our delay. If God would 
deal with us according to our deservings, we should be consumed in a 
moment. 

Bund.Nov.23. 

Sund.Nov.30. 

Mond.dec.l. 

Sunday Novr. 23. We had besides our selves 8 gamnnt Comunicants; 
The Tuesday following I got a Boy well whip't, by Mr. Oglethorpe's 
orders, for Swearing & Blasphemy. Private admonition ha<3 no effect 
upon (440) him, so that I was forced to have recource to publick 
Correction, 

Sunday Nov. 30. I preach'd on board the other Ship, and read 
prayers, wch. I did several times while we lay at Cows. We now again 
had prayers in the great Cabin, the gentleman aforementioned having 
yesterday left the Ship. Blessed be God who delivered us from him, for 
he very much opposed us. I did think, and I told it my friends, that we 
could not Sail while he was in the Ship. This perhaps might be one 
reason why we were kept from Sailing so long. 

Monday Dec. 1. 1735* We agreed on the following resolution; "If any 
"one upon being reproved, or upon any other Occasion Shall fell any 
"Sort or degree of Anger or Resentment, he Shall immediately, or at the 
"next meeting, frankly and fully confesse it." 

 182 (440) 

Saturd.Dec.6. 

Sund.Dec.7- 

Mond.Dec.8. 

Tho 2d. Mate a very insolent and ill natur'd fellow, who had 
abus'd many of the Passengers, and also Mr. Wesley, at last affronted 
even Mr. Oglethorpe to his face. The next day he was Sent aboard the 
Man of War; The people rejoyced at this, and praised be God who deli 
vered them from his power. "The fierceness of man Shall turn to thy 
"Praise, & the fierceness of them shallt thou restrain. " This I think 
was another reason why we (441) were kept still at Cows. 

Sunday Dec. 7- We were 15 Communicants; This Evening we resolved 
to leave off eating suppers, till we found some inconvenience from it, 
wch. none of us did to ye end of the Voyage. Since our Settling in 
America Mr. Wesley and Mr. Delamotte have resumed them. As yet it 
agrees perfectly well with my health, and I KhaHbcmz still continue it. 

Monday Dec. 8. A Young Man very joont providentially was taken 
into our Ship; I perceiving that he was a Stranger, began to converse 
wth. him; He gave me an Account of himself, and the reason of his 
Coming. He had left his Parents he said, who were rich (tho he was their 
only Son) because they would not let Mm Serve God as he had a mind. He 
us*d to spend good part of the Night in prayer, not having opportunity 
to do it by day. When he left home he did not know where he should go, 
having no Cloaths with him; but he did not seek for money or worldly 
enjoyments, he desired only to save his Soul. When he was travelling/ 
he pray'd that he might go to some place where he could have the advan 

tage of publick prayers, and the holy Sacrament. Several (442) times he 
^- 
had thoughts of turning Sermit, but Providence had brought him to 

us, and he was glad to meet with Ministers with whom he could freely 
converse about spiritual things: And indeed I was glad to meet with 

 183 (442) 

Wedn.Dec.10. 

Frid.Dec.19. 

him: this I think was another reason of our delay: all Love, all 
Glory be to thee^ 0 Lord. 

Wednesday Dec. 10, 1735- Now at length it pleas*d our Heavenly 
Father to Send us a fair wind; we left Cows about 9 in the Morning. 
Two Gentlemen, Passengers of the other Ship, were left behind, having 
the night before gone to Portsmouth; we waited for them near two hours, 
but they not coming, we made the best of our way, running between 7 & 
8 miles an hour. 

Friday in the afternoon we left the Man of War, he not being able 
to sail as fast as our Ships. Most of the Passengers were now Sick; I 
was so for about half an hour, Mr. John Wesley scarce at all. 

Friday Dec. 19; Mr. Wesley & I, with Mr. Oglethorpe's approbation, 
undertook to visit each of us a part of the Ship, and daily to provide ±K 

the Sick people with Water 2& Grace and such other things (443) &s were 

some 
necessary for them. At first we met with/natK difficulties, but God 

enabled us to persevere in the constant performance the rest to ye end 
of our Voyage. Mr. Oglethorpe likewise himself went several times about 
the Ship, to comfort and encourage the people, and indeed he has never 
been wanting in this respect: He is a pattern of fatherly Care and 
tender compassion, being always ready night or day to give up his own 
ease or Conveniencys to serve the poorest Body among the people. He 
seldom eat above once a day, and then he usually chose Salt provisions, 
tho' not so agreeable to his health, that he might give the fresh to the 
sick; But more will appear from the following instance. 

One Mrs. Welsh, who was believed to be at the point of death, 

 (443) 

Sund.Dec. 21. 

Mond. Dec. 29. 

being big with Child, in a high fever, attended with a violent Cough, 
was by Mr. Oglethorpe's Order, removed into his own Cabin, which was 
the best in the Ship, he himself lying several nights in a Hammock, till 
another Cabin was got ready for him; He also constantly supplied her 
with all the best things in the Ship. Some of the Gentlemen seem'd 
disgusted at this; but that only made him the more resolute. (444) 
Yet notwithstanding all possible Care was taken of her, human means 
faild. The doctor gave her up, every Body thought she would die. Mr. 
Oglethorpe only continued in hope; nay he said he was sure God would 
raise her up to manifest his power in her. She had a desire to receive 
the Lord's supper before she died; and lol from the moment she received, 
she began to recover, & is now safely deliver'd of a daughter, and in 
perfect Health. "Gracious is the Lord, and merciful, Long suffering 

"and of great goodness; the Lord is loving unto every man, and his Mercy 

"is over all his works." 

Sunday Dec. 21. We were 21 Communicants; This, as well as yester 
day, was an exceeding aiat calm & pleasant day. The Sky appear*d to me 
mor beautiful than ever I had observed it in England we were likewise 
got to far to the Southward, that the weather was as warm now as it is 
there in the Spring. This being Mr. Oglethorpe's Birthday, he gave a 
Sheep and wine to the people, wch. with the smoothness of the Sea, and 
the Serenity of the Skie, so enliven'd them, that they perfectly 
recover*d from their Sea Sickness. On Christmas day also Mr. Oglethorpe 
gave a Hog and wine to the (445) people. 

Monday Dec. 29. We are now past the Latitude of 25 degrees and 

 183 (445) 

are got into what they call the Trade winds, wch. blow much the seme 

way all the Year round. The Air is balmy, soft and sweet. The Ship 

glides smoothly & quickly along; the Clouds are finely variegated with 

numbers of pretty colours. The nights are mild and pleasant, being 

beautifully adorned with the shining Host of Stars. "T&e Heavens 

"declare the Glory of God, ajid the firmament sheweth his handy work. 

"One day telleth another, & one Night certifieth another." 

"What, the* in solemn Silence all 

"Move round this dark Terrestrial Ball; 

"What, tho* nor real voice nor Sound 

"Amidst their Radiant orbs is found? 

"In Reason's Ear they all reJoyce, 

"And utter forth a glorious voice: 

"For ever singing as they shine, 

"The Hand that made us is divine. 

4. 
Sund. Jan./iix Sunday Jan. 4, 1735/6. A Gentleman was very angry with me for 

accusing his Servant of swearing before Mr. Oglethorpe. The next day 
Mr. John Wesley began to Catechise the Children publickly after the 2d 
Lesson, Evening Service, wch. he continued to do (446) every day for 
about 3 weeks. 

Mond. Jan. 12. Monday Jan. 12. I began to write out the English dictionary, in 
order to learn the Indian tongue. 0! Who is sufficient for these 
)4 things! When the Ship roll'd so that we could not well go about to 
visit the people, we generally spent the evenings in Conversation with 
Mr. Oglethorpe from whom we lesrn't many particulars concerning the 
Indians. 

 186 (446) 

Sat. Jan. 1?. Saturday Jan. 1?. The wind, was very Strong; about half an hour 
after 10 at night, we encountered such a wave, as we did not meet with 
in all our passage besides: it shook the whole frame of ye Ship from 
Stem to Stern; The water sprung thro' the Sides of the Ship which before 
were tight, and was also toss'd above the main Yard; falling down it 
covered the decks, broke into the great Cabin, filled Mrs. Welshe's 
Bed; Mr. Oglethorpe was gone to Bed, but he got up and resigned his own 
dry Cabin to the Sick, betsking himself once more to his Hammock. 
Hitherto we had had a very fine passage, but now approaching near Land, 
we met with contrary winds, which kept us above a Fortnight longer at 
Sea than otherwise we should have been. 

Tuesd. Jan. 20. Tuesday Jan. 20. I baptized (44?) a Child which was thought to be 
at the point of death, nay some thought it was dead; but from the moment 
it was baptized it begsn to recover. 

Wedn. Jan. 21. Wednesday Jan. 21. This Evening Mr. Oglethorpe call*d together 

the Hes.ds of families, as he did also at some other times, and gave them 
several excellent and usefull instructions relating to their living in 
Georgea, exhorting them likewise to love God, and one another. 

Sund. Jan. %5* Sunday Jan. 25* We were 20 Communicants. Towards Evening we had 
a terrible Storm, wch. lasted several hours. I observed it well, and 
truly I never Saw any thing hitherto so solemn and majestick. The Sea 
Sparkled and Smoak*d as if it had been on fire; the Air darted forth 
Lightening, and the wind blew so fierce that You could scarce look it in 
the face and draw your Breath. The waves did not sell so high as at 
some other times being press'd won by the impetuosity of the Blast; 

 18? (44?) 

neither did the Ship roll much, but it quiver'd, jarr*d & Shak'd. About 
half an hour after 7, a great Sea broke in upon us, which split the main 
Sail, carried away the Companion, fill'd between decks, and rush'd 
into the great Cabin. This made most of the people tremble, and I 
beleive they would have been (448) then glad to have been Christians, 
how light soever they made of Religion before. I myself was made 
Sensible that nothing will enable us to smile in the face of death, but 
a life of extraordinary holiness. I was under some fear for a little 
while, but I recollected my self again by reflecting that every thing 
came by the will of God, and that whatever he willed was the best for 
me. If therefore he was pleas'd to take me off at this very time, so 
much the better, I should be deliver'd from many Evils, & prevented from 
committing many Sins to come. Betwixt 4 & 12 I recommended my self to 
God and went to bed, resting satisfied with whatever should befall me. 
Towards 3 the wind abated; In the morning we returned publick thanks 
for our deliverance, and before night most of the people had forgot 
they were ever in a Storm. "If they hear not Moses and the Prophets, 
"neither will they be persuaded tho* one rose from the dead. 

Wed. Jan. 28. Wednesday Jan. 28. Being a calm day I went on bo&rd the other 
Ship, read prayers and visited the People. At my return I acquainted 
Mr. Oglethorpe with their State, and he sent them such things as they 
wanted. (44?) 

Sund. Feb. 1. Sunday Feb. 1, 1735/6. Three Sail appearing we made up toward 
them, and got what letters we could write, in hopes some of them might 
be boung for England. I writ a short one to You at Osset. One of them 

 9 

188 (44%) 

that was bound for London made towards us, & we put our Letters on 
Board her. On Tuesday we found Ground; on Wednesday we Saw Land, & 
Thursd.Feb.5. on Thursday afternoon Feb. $, we got safe into ye 3Ep Tybe Road in the 
mouth of the River Savannah in the Province of Georgea in America. Mr. 
Wesley, Mr. Delamotte and I, had some discourse about our manner of 
going in this new Country. I was strick with a deep religious awe, 
considering the greatness and Importance of the work I came upon; but 
was comforted with these words in the Psalms. "0 Tarry thou the Lord's 
"leisure, be strong and he shall comfort thy heart, and put thou ^ thy 
"trust in the Lord." From the whole Service I was mov'd to think that 
the Gospel would be propagated over the whole world: May God of his 
great Mercy be pleas*d to grant it. 

Frid. Feb. 6. Friday Feb. 6. We went on Shore and had prayers, where we were 
comforted by the 2d lesson. Next day I receiv'd a letter from my 
Brother William, one from (450) my Sister Hannah, & another from Mr. H. 
Washington, whereby I was very much affected. I call'd to mind several 
things past, reflected upon the ^ sweet happinesse of true friendship, 
and pray'd earnestly for my dear Friends in England with tears. 

Sat. Feb. 14. Saturday Feb. 14. This Morning as well as yesterday we met with 
several remarkable passages in our Course of reading in the Prophets 
relating to the propagation of the Gospel, which not a little comforted 
& encouraged us; I was also tjairprnrg Strongly affected by the 2d. lesson, 
Mark 13. 

A little in the afternoon, some Indians came to make us a Visit, 
we put on our gowns and Cassocks, spent some time in prayer, and then 

 189 (450) 

vent into ye great Cabin to receive them. At our Entrance they all rose 
up, & both Men and Women shak*d hands with us. When we were all 
seated, Tomo Chachee their king, spoke to us to this effect, (his In 
terpreter was one Mrs. Musgrove who lives about 5 Miles above Savannah, 
she is descended of a white man by an Indian woman. She understands 
both languages, being educated amongst the English, she can read and 
write, and is a Sensible well civiliz'd woman. She is likewise to teach 
us the Indian tongue.) (431) 

"Ye are welcome. I am glad to see you here. I have a desire to 
"hear the great word: for I am ignorant. When I wps in England I 
"desired that some might speek the Great Word to me, our nation was then 
"Willing to hear; Since that time we have been in trouble, the French 
"on one Hand, and the Spaniards on the other, and the Traders that are 
"amongst us have caus'd great Confusion, and have set our people against 
"hearing the great word, their tongues are useless; Some say one thing 
"and some another. But I am glad Ye are come; I will assemble the great 
"men of our Nation, and I hope by degrees to compose our differences, 
"for without their Consent I can not hear the great word. However in 
"the mean time, I shall be glad to see You at my town, and I would have 
"You teach our Children, but we would not have them made Christians as 
"the Spaniards make Christians, for they baptize without Instruction; 
"but we would hear & be well instructed first; and then be Baptized 
"when we understand." 

All this he Spake with great earnestness and with much action 
both of his head and hands. 

Mr. John Wesley made a Short answer, "God only can teach You 

 190) (451) 

"Wisdom, & if You be sincere, perhaps he will do it by us." We then 
shak'd (452) Hands with them, and so withdrew. 

The Queen made us a present of a Jar of Milk, and another of 
Honey; "that we might feed them, she said, "with Milk, for they were but 
"Children, and that we might be sweet to them. 

About 3 next day in the afternoon, just before they went away, we 
put on our Surplices, at Mr. Oglethorpe*s desire, and went to take leave 
of them. 

Mond. Feb. 16. About 7 this Evening, I set forward with Mr. Oglethorpe, and some 
others in a ten oar'd Boat for the Alatamaha, the Southermost part of 
Georgea. At 11 we arriv'd at a. place call'd Skiddowa, where we went 
ashore/ into the woods, and kindled a Fire under a lofty Pine tree. 
Having writ some Letters and eaten something, we laid down to sleep 
upon the cold Ground, without either Bed or board, having no other 
Covering besides our Cloths, but a Single Blanket each and the Canopy 6f 
Heaven. About 8 next dayie set forward again, passing several marshes 
beset on both sides with Trees of various Sorts, whose leaves being 
guilded with the glorious Rays of the Sun, yielded a beautiful prospect. 
About 12 the wind blew so high that we were driven upon an Oyster Bank, 
where we could not get a stick to make a (4$3) Fire; here we dined very 
Comfortably. Near 2 we set forward again and with great difficulty 
cross'd over th6 Mouth of the River Ogechee. The wind was exceeding 
high & the water very rough; almost every wave drove over the Side of 
the Boat, so that every moment we were in Jeopardy of our lives: And 
truly if Mr. Oglethorpe had not rouz'd up himself and struck life into 
the Rowers, I do not know but most of us might have here made our Exit. 

 191 (433) 

Towards 6 we got to a little place call'd Bear's Island, where we 
encamp'd all night round a roaring fire in a Bed of Canes where the 
wind could not reach us. Here also we came up with a large Boat, call'd 
a Fettiaugur, loaded with people for the Alatamaha, who had set out 
before us. 

Next morning after prayers, Mr. Oglethorpe considering that our 
own Boat was overloaded, and also that I might probably be of some 
Service to ye People, ask'd me if I was willing to go on Board the 
Pettiaugur, whereto I rea.dily consented. Here during the remainder of 
our Passage I read to the people and instructed them as I had opportunity. 
This Evening we lay upon St. Catherines, a very pleasant Island where we 
met with 2 Indians a (454) hunting. I took one of them on Board the 
Pettiaugur and gave him some Bisket & wine, and he in return sent us 
the greatest part of a deer, 

Sund. Feb. 22. On Sunday morning Feb. 22 We arriv'd at the Island of St. Simons 
upon the River Alatamaha, a pleasant & fertile place, which Mr. Ogle- 
t&orpe had reach'd the Thursday night before. Several of ye people 
were firing Guns, but upon my Landing, I ask'd Mr. Oglethorpe if Sunday 
was a proper day for Shooting. We immediately put a Stop to it. Having 
breakfasted, we joyn'd in the Litany, and then he return'd to Savannah, 
h&ving already put the people into a method of proceeding. 

Next day in the Forenoon we were alarm'd by a Sail appearing in 
the River. We call'd all the people together, and after consultation, 
we threw up a trench strengthening it with Barrels of Beef and Pork, 
wch. we had here in abundance, we also sent a Canoo down the River, and 
several men into the woods for Scouts, to bring us Intelligence; in the 

 192 (454) 

mean time we got all our Arms in readinesse providing for the worst. 

us 
About half an hour past 12 the Canoo returned, and brought/*H word, that 

it was the Sloop which brought the Provisions, that had turn'd back 
(455) to take in Ballast. 

Two or three of the first days the People spent in building 
Palmetto Bowers; we enclosed a little round place with Hyrtle Bags, and 
Laurel, in the midst whereof we nightly kept a great fire, round which I 
lay several weeks in the open air, my whole Bed consisting of two 
Blankets, and never had I health better in my life. Now we had short 
prayers early in the morning before they began, & at night after they 
had done working. My chief Businesse was daily to visit the People, 
to take care of those that were sick and to Supply them with the best 
things we had: for a few days at the first I had every %y%yM Body's 
good word; but when they found that I watch'd narrowly over them and 
reprov'd them sharply for their faults, immediately the Scene changed; 
instead of blessing came cussing, and my Love and Kindnesse was repay'd 
with Hs&x Hatred and ill will. 

Sund. Feb. 2$. Sunday Feb. 2$. After morning Prayers which we had pretty early, 
I told the people that it was the Lord's day, and therefore ought to be 
Spent in his Service, that they ougnt not to go ashonting of walking up 
& down the woods (4%) and that I would take notice of all those that 
did. One man answer'd that these were new laws in America; this man, as 
well as Several others went out, but he, I think, was two days before he 
could find his way back again. I reprov'd most of them afterwards 
privately in a friendly manner, laying before them the Heinousness of 
ye Sin, and the dreadfull consequences that would necessarily follow. 

 193 (436) 

One or two took my advice w611, but the rest were harden'd, & instead of 
reforming, raised heavy complaints and accusations against me to the 
Gentleman that was left chief in Commission, that I had made a bMck 
List, a,nd that I intended to ruin them. This caus'd a very sharp 
contest between that Gentleman & me, wherein God enabled me boldly & 
courageously to vindicate the Honour of his day and worship, without 
regarding the favour or displeasure of any man. So soon ss I was 
retired, I pray'd earnestly from my heart, that God would forgive him, 
and also give him a new mind; which prayer God heard, (Blessed be his 
Goodnesse,) for since I came away, he frankly confess'd that he was in 
the wrong, that his Passions carried him to too great a height, that I 
was certainly in the right, & (45?) had only done what was my duty. 

I mention this to shew the great use of praying for our Enemies. 
Who knows how much such prsyers will avail before God? Certainly it 
purifies our own heart, and is the only sure remedy to keep out hatred, 
malice and Revenge. 

Tuesd. March 2. Tuesday March 2d. This morning I pray'd that God would be 

pleas'd to send home the lost man, and also make him sensible of his 
Sin. About breakfast time he came, looking very ghastly, sadly 
affrighted, telling oe he was resolved never more to prophane the 
Sabbaoth. God grant he may keep his word: This Example would not make 
others take Warning: next Sunday 3 more went a Shooting, who were all 
lost till next day. Nothing but the Almighty grace of God is suffi 
cient to turn one Sinner from the Error of his ways. 

Mond. 

March 8. Monday March 8. Mr. Oglethorpe arrived with 4 Pettiaugurs, and 

 194 (457) 

next day coy dear friend Mr. Charles Kzix Wesley with another, wherein 
were all the married men, women and Children, that came over in our two 
Ships. Mr. Oglethorpe immediately lay'd out the new town Frederica in 
a neat and regular method, and (438) kept the people to strict work in 
building themselves Palmetto Houses; during the 3 weeks longer which I 
spent here, there happen'd such variety of Incidents that it would be 
too tedious to relate them. Only I will add that Mr. Charles Wesley and 
I had the happinesse of undergoing for the Truth's Sake the most 
glorious trial of our whole lives, wherein God enabled us exceedingly 
to reJoyce, and also to behave ourselves throughout with undaunted 
Courage and Constancy, for which may we ever love and adore him. NB. 
The Book of God was our Support, wherein as our necessities required, 
we always met with direction, Exhortation, and Coiafort. "Thy Word is a 
"Lanthorn to my feet, and a light unto my Paths." "In God's Word Will 
"I comfort me." 

Sunday March Sunday March 28, 1736. about 7 in the Evening, I left Frederica, 
28, 1736 

and took Boat for Savannah; w e had a fair wind, & if we had not run 

twice a ground, I believe we should have got thither in 24 hours. 
Towards 4 on Tuesday morning it began to Thunder and Lighten, and rain 
in the most dreadfull manner I ever beheld eince I (459) was born; Ours 
was a little open Boat without any Cover: The rest of the people wrapt 
themselves up head and ears in Blankets and Sails, whatever they could 
get, and laid down in the bottom of it: I pluck'd up a good heart, 
threw my Cloak over me, and stood up as Still as I could in the midst of 
it, that I might behold the Majesty of God in Thunder. And duely so 
glorious a Scene I never saw. I dare not attempt to describe. However 

 195 (459) 

I pass'd the time very comfortably in praising God, and whereas the 
rest were all well wet, I was pure and dry all over, except my Cloak & 
Shoes. 

Betwixt 7 & 8 we arriv'd at Savannah, where I was kindly receiv'd 
by Mr. John Wesley & Mr. Delamotte; the latter had begun to teach a few 
little orphans and the Former had brought the people to short prayer 
morning and night. I now again entred upon a manner of life more accep 
table to me than what I had spent at Frederica, having both time & con 
venience for regular retirement. 

Sund. Aprl. 4. Sunday April 4. This afternoon Mr. Wesley and Mr. Delamotte took 
Boat for Frederica; in their absence I took care both of the Church and 
School. (460) 

Mond. Aprl. 5%. Monday April &x 5* After Evening Prayers I began to 

catechise at our own House all Young persons that wdre willing to come 
as well sex Children, as Servants, and Apprentices, who could not come in 
the day time. I have continued to do this every night since. On 
Sundays I do it after dinner & also publickly in the Church after 2d 
lesson. 

Sund. Aprl. 11. Sunday April 11. After Evening Service I made a visit to a few 
people who had formed themselves into a short of a Society meeting 
together Wednesday, Friday and Sunday nights. I found their design was 
good; they read, prayed, & sung Psalms together: accordingly I exhorted 
them to go on, promising myself to meet with them sometimes, and to give 
them such helps and directions as I could. I have joyn'd them every 
Sunday since, and I hope it will be a means of some good. God grant 
it. 

 196 (460) 

Wedn. Aprl. 14. Wednesday April 14. I baptiz'd a Child by vine Immersion, being 
the first I ever did that good old way. 

Sund. Aprl, 18. Sunday April 18. This afternoon there was an allarm made in time 
of divine Service, whereupon several people went out of Church. The 
Cause of it was (461) a Young lad that had run away from his Master. 
He had broken into our House, under which he said he had lain a Fort 
night, and Stole provisions when I was at prayers. He had taken down a 
Pistol, and loaded it with a design I suppose to shoot in the Woods, for 
he had got the powder fla.sk; and as he was getting out of the window, 
somehow he Slipt and fired off the Pistoll, which broke his arm to 
Shivers. He then call'd out aloud for help; whereupon some people that 
heard, went to see what was the matter. He begg'd of them to abczg drag 
him out of the window, which they did, and found him in a bad Condition; 
they carried him to a. Surveon who cut off his Arm. In the night not 
having due attendance, he loosed it, whereby he lost so much blood that 
he died the next morning. I was very sorry for the unfortunate wretch, 
for he came to be catechiz'd the night before he ran away, and I being 
informed that he had done so several times before, talk'd to him a good 
while to behave himself well, and to obey his Master. But not having 
Grace, he did the very reverse to what I exhorted him. A sad Example, 
whereby (462) others ought to take warning. 

This being the great and Holy week, I dedicated to devotion, 
observing the discipline of the primitive Church. On Tuesday Evening 
Mr. John Wesley & Mr. Delamotte arrived from Frederica. Next day Mr. 
Wesley gave me an account of what had pass'd there since my departure. 
KB. 0 what Secrets will come to light in the last day! 

 197 (462) 

Easter Sund. Easter Sunday April 25, 1736. We were 34 Communicants. Our 
Aprl. 23, 1736 

Constant number is about a dozen. Next day Mr. Wesley and I vent up 

to Cowpen in a Boat, bought for our Use, to converse with Mrs. Musgrove 
about learning the Indian Language. I agreed to teach her Children to 
read, and to make her whatever recompence she designed more for her 
trouble. I am to spend three or four days a week with her, and the 
rest at Savannah in communicating what I leam to Mr. Wesley; because he 
intends as Yet wholly to reside there. The Moravians being inform'o. of 
our design, desired me to teach one of the Brethren along with Mr. 
Wesley; to this I consented at once with my whole heart; And who (463) 
think Ye is the Parson intended to learn? Their lawfull Bishop. OJ 
how am I surprized! How do I rejoyce at thisJ The right hand of the 
Lord hath the Preeminence, the right hand of the Lord bringeth mighty 
things to pass. 

Frid. Apl. 30. Friday April 30. Mr. Wesley and I went up again to Cowpen; 

taking along with us Tomo Chachee and his Queen. Their town is about 4 
miles above Savanah in the way to Mrs. Musgrove's. We told them we were 
about to learn their language. I ask'd them if they were willing that I 
should teach the Young Prince: they consented, desiring me to check & 
keep him in, but not to Strike him. The Indians never Strike their 
Children, neither will they suffer any one to do it. I told them I 
would do my best as far as gN3*t**m<mTrsMm!-YgmMi' gentleness and good avice 
would go. How I shall manage God alone can direct me. The Youth is 
sadly corrupted, and excessively addicted to drunkennesse, which he has 
learn't of our Christian Heathen. Nay the whole Creek Nation is now 
generally given to Jthzi this Brutal sin, whereto they were utter 

 198 (463) 

Strangers before Christians (464) came among them. 0! what a vork 
have ve before us! Who is sufficient for these things? I am nothing. I 
have nothing. I can do nothing. 0 By dearest Friends pray for us, pray 
earnestly for us, and more especially for me Your very weak, the 

Most dutiful Son & 

affectionate Brother 
Benjamin Ingham 
Savannah 
May 1, 1736. 

(469) Charles-Town May 1, 1736 

All the town is allarm*d with the unexpected proceedings of our 
Neighbours the Georgians, in respect to our trade, a chief Branch where 
of is that with the Indians, some time^ ago two Boats were sent up by 

our Merchants to their traders & plantstion at Savannah town, with dry 
goods and some Rum, wch. were stop't at Georgia & repuls'd, whereupon 
the merchants apply'd to the Honble. the Lieutenant Gov. in Council for 
a Permit, wch. was granted, and two Boats sent up s&ain, the Patrons 
having been hall*d at Georgia, came too, and produced their permit; but 
Mr. Causton had so little regard thereto, that he order'd the Bo^ts 
ashore, open'd their Packs, took out the Rum, & stav'd the heads of 3 
hhds. & 10 Caggs, & confin'd the Patrons under the pretence of a Fine 
of 5 I*- strg. but would not tell them for what, altho' they demanded 
it to know. Neverthelesse, rather than to be in prison, they made a 
tender of the Mony, wch. he vHrewrmi- refus'd, & detain'd the said Patrons 

 199 (469) 

untill they should find security for their appearance on the 23d of May. 
It being impossible for them to go to Savannah town, & to return in that 
time, they were obliged to hire Boat (4?0) & hands to send to Charles 
town for security from their Employers whose severs! Cargoes to the 
value of 8000 L lie there all the while expos'd to wind & weather to 
the great detriment, wch. if not timely prevented, will be of the utmost 
ill consequence. 

(477) 
Deer Sr. 

From all the information I h$ve yet been able to procure, I 
believe Mr. Quincy has been much wrong'd. I find none here who will to 
my face affirm any thing wch. they have whisper'd to others, egainst 
his behaviour in general. As to the particular parts of it wch. were 
liable to Exception he desires to answer for himself. I should be very 
glad if both Dr. Hale & you cou'd have leisure to converse with him 

fully & freely on that subject. I doubt not then ih but you would be 

guilt 
enabled to discover (what only/gHiati dreads) the plain truth. 

Mr. Oglethorpe told me before he left the Ship "He was afraid if 
I once got to Savannah, I should not soon leave it — It was so 
pleasant a place." — If the time of my stay here was to be determin'd 
by the Plessantnesse for prolonging it one day: But I doubt whether 
another Reason be not of weight enough to keep me here some months 
longer than I intended. My Answer in England to that Objection agst. 
leaving it, viz. "Darkness, alassi & Heathens are at home," viz. 
"That these Heathens will not hear," fails me now; For hitherto those I 

 200 (4?7) 

am among have shewn great willingnesse. The question therefore wch. I 
desire Dr. Hale & You deeply to consider & to send your thoughts upon, 
is, whether I ought to go forward to publish the Gospel to other 
Nations, till those here who desire it, are fully instructed therein? 

Even this work is indeed far too great for me, & am often ready 
to cry out, "I wonder that any Pastor in the Church sho. be saved! So 
many Souls, for every one of whom we must (4?8) acct! If any one of 
whom perish for want of our assisting him in publick, in private, in 
every possible way, his Blood will be required at our handsi May God 
enable us to watch & strive, & pray witho. ceasing for them as well as 
our Selves. Neither do you I hope cease to pray for 

Your obliged & affectionate Brother-in-lsM 
Savannah May 10. John Wesley 

1736 

To the Eevd. Mr. Burton 
Fello of Eaton Colledge 
near Windsor 

(481) To Captain Charles Dempsy from Mr. Oglethorpe about May 1736. 

Sir 

I have rec'd. 2 Letters from You by Major Richard, one by a Ship 
from Charles Town and one of the 25th and one of the 26th of April by 
Mr. Crokatt. I have ordered him to let you have as far as L 200 Sterl 
ing, which if you hrve occasion to use for the Service and to bring 
about a good harmony, you may do it, and you will pass your Accots. with 

 201 (481) 

me. I sent you by Mr. Horton and Mr. Richard Bills of Exchange for L 50 
Steeling, and Georgia Bills (which are equal to Sterl.) for L 10 but I 
don't know whether you received them nor how matters stand with Richard 
and Eorton. 

I have treated the Spaniards both in Letters and Actions with all 
the Civility in my power, & am surprized at the Returns I have met with. 
Mr. Eorton went with a. Flag of Truce with answers to Letters sent from 
the Governour to me, they carried some attendance with them and because 
the Govr. complained that the Indians committed Hostilities upon them; 
I to take away all Grounds of Complaint sent an armed Best of mine to 
cruize up and down the River for to hinder the Indians from committing 
any Hostilities during the time of my treating with his Excellency the 
Govr. of Florida, least their Hostilities should be charged to me as a 
breach of faith. 

Major Richard informed me that he was promised before he left 
Augustine to have horses waiting at their advance Guard to carry him to 
Augusteen, instead of this, neither men nor horses were there on his 
arrival, on wch. he waited some days and sent Mr. Horton on foot to 
acquaint the Govr. of his being there, for he had no opportunity of any 
other manner of sending. After this Major Richard receiving a Message 
that horses were come, threw himself in full Confidence on the Spanish 
honour and trusted so far to the known Character^ of their Nation, that 
he did not so much as stay for a Messenger from Mr. Horton. Several of 
our men who (482) upon these occasions ^ went into the Country to look 
for the Spaniards in order to deliver Letters to them for his Excellency 
the Govr. oftentimes met with Horses, Poultry and Men and never would 

 202 (482) 

take or hurt any thing, but treated the men (when in their power which 
they often were) with the utmost kindness. In the mean time several 
parties of men appeared, fires were made, Parties of Horse patrolled 
along the Shore, who tareatned our men when they were sent on Messages 
to enquire what was become of the Major and the Persons which went with 
the Flag of Truce. And to enter into particulars, On having no answer 
from the Major, nor from You, nor any News concerning Mr. Norton, I 
ordered the Man of War to conduct You back again, His Lieutenant went to 
the Spanish Out Guards with a Flag of Truce flying, for some time they 
could meet no men, at last they discovered one who very civilly promised 
that he would carry to you some small things which Mr. Horton wrote you 
desired to be sent to You, and said that he would stay till next day 
noon, that they might return to the Ship and fetch them, they left with 
him a Letter from me for the Govr. of Augustine and treated the man with 
all Civility, gave him Wine and Victuals, things not very plenty in 
these Deserts. 

The next day when they came to deliver the things instead of the 
man there was an Officer in blue and another horseman appeared, and a 
large Boat in Ambuscade under Cover of the Seabreakers, they rowed to 
the boat, on which they retired with great Precipitation. They had also 
advertisement that a party of men lay behind the Sand hills, but as they 
had little to fear from any thing the Spaniards could do, they bore up 
to them with a flsg of Truce flying. The Spanish Officer in blue forbad 
their landing, which they (resolving not to commit any hostility) at 
his request forbore) though they were so near him that they could with 
the greatest ease have made both him and his Companion Prisoners. The 

 /03 (482) 

Lieut. of the Man of War then asked the Officer which way he should send 
a parcel of Refreshments to You, he (483) was answered that nothing 
could be sent to Augustine and that we are to have no Correspondence 
thither, that all Messages must go to the Colonel of Horse whose Quar 
ters was about half a days Journey from thence. On this the Lieut. 
wrote a Letter to the Colonel of Horse acquainting him that he was come 
there to fetch back Major Richprd or any Message that he should send, and 
acquainted him with Signals, upon the Sight of which he would come & 
receive either Major Richard himself or his Messenger. This passed on 
Thursday morning, and on Saturday night no answer was come, but a boat 
during this Treaty several times coming to our Out Guards, insulting 
one of our Forts, coming under the / Cannon of it, and refusing to 
bring too to acquaint them who they were, we suspect her for a Pyrate, 
some say She was a Spaniard, which I cannot believe, since if She had 
been so She would have come too & acquainted us who she was, and should 
then ha lie met with the most hospitable Usage our place could afford. 

These things surprize me strangely, I cannot believe that a man 
of the Govr.'s Capacity and honour can authorize any thing contrary to 
the Law of Nations, nor refuse People who are sent upon Treaty from 
having their Necessaries sent to them. I believe the only way to come 
to a good understanding, will be the having two Officers of merit, one 
to command the advance Post on the English, the other on the Spanish 
Side, and they to send Messengers with Passports to each other. 

With respect to the Indians several of their head men have been 
with me whom I have desired to forbear Hostilities with the Spaniards, 
but they insist on Satisfaction for the Persons killed (as they say) by 

 (483) 

the orders of the Spaniards of Augustine. A large party of Indians was 
going to pass the Clothogothco River, but one of my boats coining up to 
them has perswaded them to return to their Towns till such times as they 
can have a general Conference with me. (484) A great body of Uchee 
Indians under the Command of one of their Kings was upon full nmxi march 
to cross the Rivers and fall upon the Spaniards. One of my Messengers 
having met them could not dissuade them from proceeding, but at last he 
obtained of them to take this place in their way and to see me in per 
son. They arrived here last Wednesday of which having advice, I came up 
here last night, and shall use my endeavours to dissuade them from 
falling on the Spaniards, tho' they are very angry on accot. of several 
of their People whom they say were killed by orders from Augustine. 
I am perswaded if I had an open Correspondence with you, all 
things would be accommodated in the most amicable meaner, but the want 
of Correapondence begets groundless fears and Jealousies on both sides, 
heartens the Indians and Fyrates and gives room to counterband Traders 
and other wicked men to give Jealousies to the two Governments, by 
which means they may carry on their wicked Practices without Detection. 
But I hope his Excellency Don Francisco de Moral Sanchez will find some 
way to open a free Communication with me, by which, idle Stories of ill 
designing Men may be disproved as soon as vented, and the good harmony 
so much desired may be kept up. I am 

Sir 

Your &c. 
To Capt. Charles Dempsy. J. 0. 

 ^05 (493) 

Copy of a Letter from Lord Harrington to the Trustees Dated at Whitehe.ll 
18th May 1736. 

Gentlemen 

Having received this morning a Letter from the King's Ambassador 
in Holland, inclosing the Copy of one from some poor Palatines to His 
Excellency, and having laid them both before his Majesty, I am ordered 
to Send You the inclosed Copies of them, that You may consider whether 
You can answer the Request of those People in sending them over to the 
Colony under your Care; And as the Affair seems very pressing, I must 
desire your Answer for Mr. Walpole's Information as soon as possible. 

I am 

Gentlemen 

Your most humble Servt. 

(494) Copy of a Letter from His Excellency Mr. Walpole to Lord Barring- 

ton Dated at the Hague 2$th May 1736 N.S. 

14 

I beg Leave to trouble your Lordship with the inclosed Petition, 
which was put into my hands yesterday, on the part of a considerable 
Number of Palatines who have left their Native Country and are 

desirous to be transported and settled in some of His Majesty's Colonies 
in America. Your Lordship will see by it, that they are advanced on 
their Journey as far as to the Frontier of this State, where I imagine 
they have been Stopp'd through the Apprehension of their becoming 
troublesome & chargeable to the Towns in this Country, should they be 

 206 (494) 

permitted, to proceed any farther before they are sure of their Passage 
to England. As I have no Orders upon this Head, I could not pretend to 
give their Agents, who applied to me, any Encouragement or Direction, 
and only promised them to ^ represent the Case to Your Lordship for His 
Majesty's Information. If it be thought proper to allow their Request, 
as the Circumstances of these poor People must necessarily be very 
pressing, I must desire to be honoured as soon as possible with such 
Directions as Your Lordship may have to Send me on their Subject. 

Letter in French concerning the Palatines. 

(497) Copy of the Credentials with Don Pedro Lamberto and Don Manuel 
Gonsalez. 

Sir 

Having held a Council of War of the Officers which compose this 
Garrison and they being all of opinion that they should refer the busi 
ness of this Province for coming to an Accord, It has been agreed that 
the Caot. of Horse and the Adjutant ehould wait upon your Excellency 
with a full power as well from me as from the Council of War to present 
these Letters from me as well as from the Council of War upon the Trans 
actions in that Colony, as also (if it is necessary to ortor^ar^ such 
a Treaty as shall appear to them proper). And in this it is hoped for 
your Information you will give ear to what they have to say and give 
them the quickest Dispatch that I may inform thereof the King my Master. 

 20? (497) 

Letter from Don Pedro Lamberto and Don Manuel Gonsalez to ^r. Oglethorpe. 

Augustine 2P_ May 1736 
19 

Sir 

The Compliance which our Duty obliges us to pay to a Commission 
and Orders given us by the Governour of St. Augustine in Florida makes 
us beg Le^ve to present your Excellency the following Memorial. 

This Commission was given to us because we were informed in 
Augustine that the Subjects of the King of Great Britain had fortified 
on the Islands, Lands and Barras of St. Simons wch. Settlements they 
made before the year 1724 of which an Account was given to his Catholick 
Majesty our Master because the said JsxioK Lands (498) belonged to his 
Catholick Majesty, having been discovered by his Vassals as appeaTs by 
various judicial Proceedings which we can show to your Excellency in 
case of occasion, and upon which his Majesty made a proper Complaint 
wch. was examined by the Ministers at the Court at London, and they &x 
gave an entire Satisfaction to his Catholick Majesty our Master, the 
Duke of Newcastle sending the necessary Orders to the Govr. of Carolina, 
in June 1724, by which the Fort already erected was to be demolished and 
the Garrison and all others who were settled in the Neighbourhood should 
retire to Carolina wch. was put in Execution by the Govr. who left free 
the said Lands belonging to the King our Master. And now those under 
your Excellency's Command have not only fortified the said Island, but 
also all the other Islands and Barras as far as St. Juans River, which is 
but 12 leagues from the Garrison of St. Augustine, and our Govr. being 
informed of the strict Alliance there is between the two Sxanstty Crowns, 

 208 

not knowing the occasion of these Extensions and new Forts in the Lands 
which till now have been always known to belong to the Catholick King 
our Master, was desirous to have better Intelligence thereof and we to 
comply with the Obligation of our Commission, supplicate your Excellency 
that you would be pleased to give us in writing the reasons and motives 
of these Alterations with which we shall return with your Excellency's 
Permission to Augustine and deliver it to the Govr. and Council of Mar, 
which singular Favour we hope to receive from your (4$9) distinguished 

goodness and praying that God. will preserve your Excellency &c. ^Oth May 

19 

1736. 

Pedro Lamberto 
Manuel Gonsalez 

Lieut. Delegall's Account of what passed in the Year 1?2?. 

Capt. Massy with Lieut. Watt arrived 10th Sept. 1?2? with an 
order from the President of the Council of Carolina from Charles Town 
to remove the King's Forces from Fort King George, for being too far 
distant from the Settlement and other Inconveniences. It farther says 
that it was without the King of Great Britain's Consent, as it appealed 
when his Excellency Govr. Johnson came into this Province, who had 
orders in his Instructions that that party of his Majesty's Forces who 
had deserted from the said Fort should immediately repair and take 
possession of the said Ground upon the Iglpnd of St. Simons. 

Philip Delegall senior 

 209 (501) 

Letter from Col. Broughton to Mr. Oglethorpe dated 21st May 17*^6. 

Sir 

I have rec'd. the Favour of yours of the llth Instant which I 
laid "before His Majesty's Council and as you have not been pleased to 
give me that Satisfaction therein relating to the extraordinary Pro 
ceedings of the Officers at Savannah so as for me to give assurances to 
His Majesty's Subjects of this Province that the Navigation of Savannah 
River shall be free and uninterrupted nor that Satisfaction shall be 
made by those Officers to His Majesty's Subjects thst are Sufferers on 
Account of those Proceedings, therefore His Majesty's Council as well 
as my self being Strangers to any particular Orders You may have received 
from His Majesty cannot give You our Advice in that particular as You 
desire other than to refer You to the Report agreed on by both Houses 
the Council's Address and the Assembly's Message (which You have 
received) and that we apprehend your Rum Law cannot operate upon any of 
our Boats or Vessels going up that River with Rum and other Merchandize 
to our Garrisons Stores & Settlements within this Province, and as the 
Officers of Georgia have acted in such an arbitrary and illegal manner 
so I doubt not but You'll agree with us in opinion that the Principal 
means for keeping up the good understanding between the two Provinces 
(certainly so necessary for His Majesty's Service and the Prosperity of 
both) will be to allow to all His Majesty's Subjects of this Province 
without any Interruption their just Rights and Priviledges which their 
Representatives His Majesty's Council and my self have and do claim as 
well of natural Right as by the Laws of Great (502) Britain and that 
full Satisfaction be made by those Officers to the several Persons 

 210 (302) 

injur'd as I have before observed; whatever His Majesty's orders may be 
to you (which You sre pleased to mention) yet as You have not communi 
cated the same to me I know not what further to say on this Head than 
to assure You. that His Majesty's Council as veil as my self will always 
be ready to act in conjunction with You in all matters for His Majesty's 
Honour and Interest and for the good understanding Peace and Welfare of 
both His Provinces nor can we suppose any one to be criminal while he 
acts in Support of His Majesty's Rights and those of his Subjects. 

I observe You are silent as to the Advices I received and sent 
You in a Letter on the 10th of April relating to some mischiefs brewing 
among the Creeks, and that You now say the Spaniards are attempting to 
debauch the Creek Indians which agreable to those Advices must be to make 
War with His Majesty's Subjects of this Province as well as Georgia, 
yet I doubt not but you think it proper to join with this Governmt, 
in concerting such measures as will be for His Majesty's Honour and the 
Safety and Preservation of both Provinces. You'll give me Leave Sir on 
this occasion to observe th^t by the Animadversions You hsve been pleased 
to make on this Government's sending an Officer last year into the 
Nation and that by the orders You have sent to all the Traders (tho* 
belonging to this Government) to conform to the Georgia Law You seem to 
be of opinion that that Law gives the Trustees not only an Exclusive 
Right to the Trade among those Indians, but an Authority over all His 
Majesty's Subjects Trading or being sent by this Government on any Emer 
gency. I need not inform You what our Law is, nor of the great Care 
this Government has constantly taken to keep the Traders and Indians 
under a due Regulation and Decorum, (503) and this Affair has been under 

 211 (503) 

mature Consideration of Bis Majesty's Council and the Commons House of 
Assembly and a Conference held thereon and their Report agreed to by 
both Houses, a Copy whereof I herewith send you, as also a Copy of a 
Letter I have received from the Honble. the Trustees relating to that 
and other matters in dispute last year with the Officers then at Georgia; 
I doubt not but all the disputes which seem to be between the two 
Governments will soon be put to an End, when You have considered the 
several Papers sent You on this Affair and agreable thereto. I shall 
with the advice of His Majesty's Council send Advice to all the Traders 
belonging to this Province & deeply engaged to the Merchants here, that 
they may taJse out Licences from this Government only as usual, for as 
all the Traders are daily expected with their Returns from the several 
nations it may be of fatal Consequence for an Affair of this Import to 
lie in Suspence. 

This day I received a Letter from the Governor of St. Augustine. 
I thought it proper to enclose You a Copy of e Paragraph in that Letter 
wherein he insists that by an Agreement between this Government and 
Augustine the Independent Company was removed from Alatamaha to Port 
Royal; nothing of that appearing in our Journals but on the contrary 
the reason of moving the Independent Company to Port Royal was that the 
Garrison was unfortunately burnt down and besides was situated in such 
an unhealthfull Place that great part of the Soldiers dyed, on which the 
Government took under consideration whether it would not be more for the 
advantage of this Province to remove the said Company to Port Royal 
which was accordingly agreed upon. This is the whole I can discover on 
this Subject. 

 212 (303) 

I send You likewise a Copy of the XiBg& King's (504) Instructions 
to the Governour ordering him to erect s. Fort in some convenient and 
healthy Place to secure the Navigation of the Alatamaha River in case 
the Old Fort was demolished. The late Governor Sollicited the General 
Assembly to provide for that Service but could never persuade them to 
raise any money for thft purpose. 

Last night arrived a Schooner from St. Augustine the master of 
which I had before me in Council and examined him on Oath to several 
Particulars relating to the Trade and Circumstances of that Garrison, a 
Copy of which Examination I herewith enclose. You may be assured Sir 
that I and His Majesty's Council will always take the utmost Ca.re in our 
Power to put a Stop to any Negotiation or Trade being carried on thr-.t 
may be prejudicial to ^is Majesty's Interest or the Safety and Tran- 
quility of your Colony. I am with great Esteem and Regard 

Sir 

Your most humble and 
Obedient Servant 

(505) To Don Pedro Lamberto Capt. of Horse and Don Manuel Gonsalez 

Adjutant of the Garrison of St. Augustine in Florida, deputed by 
his Excellency the Capt. General of Florida and Govr. of the 
Fortress of St. Augustine and by the Council of War of that 
Garrison. 

29 May 1736 

Gentlemen 

Caving read your Memorial & finding that you were earnest 

 213 (505) 

Sollicitors for Dispatch, being desirous to oblige you I have not 
stayed for other Advice, but having called together such only of his 
Majesty's Officers as were upon the Spot I shall give the following 
answer to your Memorial delivered to &e yesterday. 

With respect to what you lay down that the Subjects of the King 
of Great Britain had formerly fortified on St. Simons, and that the 
Garrison had orders from the King of Great Britain to demolish the Fort 
and retire because that the Land belonged to the King of Spain, give me 
leave to say that I am informed by Gentlemen worthy of faith and 
Officers at that time in the King of Great Britain's Garrison in these 
parts, sjici. then belonging to those Troops, that they did not withdraw 
from the Fort by any order from his Majesty, but that their Quarters 
were changed by orders of the Council of Carolina, by reason of the 
Difficulty of sending Provisions to them, & not out of regard to any 
Spanish Claim. That these orders of the Council of Carolina were so 
much disapproved off by his Majesty that Govr. Johnson when he came into 
Carolina had orders from his Majesty that tha.t party of His Majesty's 
Forces who had deserted from the said Fort should (506) immediately 
repaid and take Possession of the said Ground. 

As for the Letter from his Grace the Duke of Newcastle it is 
dated in 1724, and the i&xmgHKxaty Company did not depart till the ye^r 
1727, so that ±jgRK their Departure was not the Effect of that Letter. 

With respect to what you mention of extending and making new 
Forts upon Lands which hase been always known to belong to his Catholick 
Majesty, I have only settled the Lands which ha.se been in the possession 
of his Majesty his Subjects and Allies for many years, of which 

 214 (506) 

Possession, when occasion requires, full Proofs can be produced, having 
first with Care searched the Country and upon thorough Information 
finding no Persons BZKgi except the Subjects or Allies of Ms Majesty in 
possession of the said Lands. I thereupon in a peaceable manner estab 
lished the same. 

Give me Leave Gentlemen to assure you that I should be glad of 
every occasion of showing you the regard that I personally have for you, 
& if you have any thing farther to sey I shall receive it with pleasure 
from such agreaole messengers and shall strive to make your stay here 
and your Passage back as little inconvenient as a wild Country will 
permit. 

J. 0. 

(307) Letter to the Gove. of St. Augustine from Mr. OgLethorpe. 

Georgia 22d May 1736. 
Sir 

I rec'd. the Letters from your Excellency & the Council of War by 
Don Pedro Lejnberto Capt. of Eorse and Don Manuel Gonsalez Adjutant of 
the Garrison of St. Augustine, and their behaviour was such as made 
their Persons very acceptable to me. They presented me a. Memorial to 
which I returned an Answer. Besides the Affair concerning which they 
had a Commission to treat with me, another matter happened relating to 
the Indian Affairs with which I think it necessary to acquaint your 
Excellency and the Council of War. The Creek Indians, Allies to the 
King my Master did in the Presence of Don Pedro Lamberto and Don Manuel 

 215 (507) 

Gonsslez in a solemn manner demand Reparation for the Injury done them 
by a arty from Augustine, who put to Death several of their People in 
the manner set forth by a Process presented by Don Carlos Dempsey to 
your Excellency. They added to the former Evidence that the Spanish 
Party carried away one of their Women alive with them during the Space 
of one or more days march and then in a most barbarous manner burnt 
her alive. She was Daughter to one of their Kings and they have 
required me pursuant to the Treaty subsisting with the King of Great 
Britain to assist them in obtaining Justice for this Injury. I have 
(tho* with some difficulty) prevailed with those here to stay till I 
have en answer to my demand of Satisfaction from your Excellency in 
their behalf, And those here present have submitted to Accessation of 
Hostilities, and they will not attack any of his Cetholick Majesty*s 
(508) Subjects till that Answer arrives. But they said they did believe 
that the Indians in the nation to whom the Woman is related would not 
submit to any Pacification. Howsoever, I am going to a great meeting of 
Indians which is to be held in 7 days from the Date of this & shall use 
my endeavours to persuade them to go up to the Nation, to suspend Hos 
tilities till I have your Excellency's Answer. 

Don Pedro being present spoke upon this occasion with great 
Prudence, and as tha this matter as also others require farther Explana 
tions I have sent Don Carlos Dempsey as being p Person I believe accept 
able to your Excellency. Give me Leave to acquaint your Excellency and 
the Council of War that I have given him full power to treat with your 
Excellency and the Council of War of such methods as may maintain a 
good harmony between the King my Master's Subjects and his Allies, and 

 216 (308) 

those of his Catholick Majesty. I am 

Your Excellency's &c. 

(517) Letter from Mr. Oglethorpe without date but wrote in June 1736. 

Gentlemen 

There has been three difficult and important matters to this 
Province to transact, since I arriv'd here. The first and which would 
least admit of a delay, was the settling upon the Frontiers towards the 
Spaniards, Asserting (and without Hostilities) the King's Rights. I 
thought that had been agreed before I came from Sag Europe, but the Govr. 
of Augustine soon changed his first favourable Sentiments, on Advices 
from some ill designing Traders to Augustine. On this I was forc'd to 
keep those men to the So.ward, almost continually under Arms (that the 
Spaniards should not ley the blame upon us, of the revenge the Indians 
were then taking upon them, for the having kill'd some men of the Creek 
Nation, and burnt a Woman and Children.) I was forc'd to send Boats to 
guard the Passages of the Rivers and there perswade the Indians not to 
invade the Spaniards but to come up to me, and wait the event of our 
treaty with them. The Spanish Proceedings You will see at length in 
the Copy of my Letter sent to Mr. Dempsy and also in the Copy which I 
have sent you of all the Papers which pass'd between me and the Spaniards. 
After that flagrant Breach of the Laws of Nations, by putting our 
Messengers (sent under a Flag of Truce) in Arrest, I could expect 
nothing but farther Hostilities, and therefore prepared to repel force 
by force. We fortified with the utmost speed that the smallness of our 

 217 (517) 

numbers would allow upon St. George* s Point, within sight of the 
Spanish Guard, and were much facilitated by finding the Ruins of a Fort 
built there by Sr. Frsncis Drake, so that we had nothing to do but to 
repair and Pallisadoe the Breaches made by time, and to clear the Ditches 
which were originally 30 foot deep. The Independent Company and man of 
war being posted below Frederica, I drew out from thence and from the 
Scotch Settlements what men I possibly could, to increase the Garrison 
on St. George *s Point. Whilst we were getting down Recruits and Cannon, 
The Governour of Augustine sent out Don Ignatlo Cob of foot with 30 of 
his pick'd men, some Yamasee Indians and a strong Boats Crew, amoting. 
in all to about 60 men, in a Launch to reconnoitre our Settlements, and 
if he found us as weak, as their Advices from Carolina said we were, to 
dislodge us. Don Ignatio came itzzk out by See,, and attempting to get 
undiscovered into Jekyll sound, was discovered by Ensign Delagal who 
(518) commanded a Guard upon the Sea Point; he hail'd them to give an 
account who they were which they refusing he fir'd some Cannon with 
Powder, and about the same time they discovered the man of war lying 
within the sound. They ran out to Sea with great precipitation and 
strove to get in at an Inlet by the Island of Cumberland, where the 
Scotch from Fort St. Andrews challeng'd them, they neither answered nor 
hung out Colours, but row*d away in such haste that the same night they 
reach'd the Spanish Out Guards on St. John*s River, near 60 miles dis 
tant. Don Ignatio landed in the night and had a Conference with Don 
Pedro de Lamberto the Commander of the Spanish Horse, who was come up by 
Land to the Lookout with 100 foot and 50 Horse; 

They concluded by the two Forts that they had met with & the man of 

 218 (518) 

war's being there, that all our Strength lay at Frederica and that we 
were weak at Fort St. George, therefore resolved to try to surprize some 
of our Boats, and upon their intelligence to Leave their Horses, carry 
over their men by Water, and attack us in the night following. This 
was on Wednesday, I having discovered some fires on the Spanish main, 
concluded Troops come down, & therefore in order to make them delay 
attacking us till our Succours should arrive, I on Thursday morning 
ordered 2 Carriage & 2 Swivle Guns (which we brought with us) to be 
carried into the Woods, that the Spaniards might not distinguish where 
they were, and fir'd & charg'd the Swivle Guns so often as to make a 
Salute of 7 and with the Carriage Guns I fir'd 5 shot in answer; the 
Swivle Guns (by reason of the smallness of their report) seemed like a 
Ship at a distance saluting, & the Carriage Guns like Batterys answering 
from the Shore. I hgx then set out with the two Boats and a Flag of 
Truce to meet with the Spaniards, as is mentioned in the inclos'd. 
The Spaniards as I have heard since, concluded from the Guns, that 
there was a new Strength arriv'd, in which they were confirm'd by our 
Boats rowing briskly towards them, on which their Launch thought proper 
to make the best of her way towards Augustine, where the Soldiers and 
Boatmen fatigued with over Labour, spread such dismal accounts, magnify 
ing our Strength and Diligence, in order to save their reputations, that 
it created a general uproar amongst the People. That night ix&nat I had 
several XixHxm Fires made in the Woods, some at 2, some at 3 miles dis 
tant from Point St. George. The Friday morning the foot and horse under 
the (519) command of Don Pedro finding themselves abandoned by the 
Launch and therefore in no possibility to pass over into the Island 

 219 (319) 

against us, and from the many fires in the Woods, collecting that the 
Creek Indians were come up, having left a small Guard of Horse to observe 
our motions retir'd in good order to Augustine, where their Arrival 
doubled their Confusion, they apprehending that if the Indians should 
cut off their communication by Land, as the man of war might do by Sea, 
they should perish by famine. The Governour was obliged to call a 
Council of War, in which the oldest Officers and indeed almost all gave 
their opinion that the Gentlemen sent by me, under a Flag of Truce and 
confin'd contrary to the Laws of Nations, ought to be immediately 
released and sent back in the most honourable manner, with an Officer 
along with them to treat with me, and to desire me to restrain the 
Indians from invading them. At the same time to ask me why we settled 
upon Lands and Territories belonging to the King of Spain. I not know 
ing any of these proceedings, except that the Spaniards were retir'd 
lay at Fort St. George from Thursday till Sunday, in which time some 
fresh men arriv'd and falling all of us to work, the Officers and men of 
the Hawk Sloop distinguishing themselves upon that occasion, we mounted 
some Guns upon the Batterys along the River and got the Fortification in 
good forwardness; I having left the Fort under the Command of Captain 
Hermsdorff return'd with the utmost diligence to Frederics, where I 
found the King of the Uchees, who was arriv'd with 20 men to complain 
of the Saltzburghers suffering their Cattle to run into his Lands beyond 
the Ebenezer River, which if I would withdraw he offer'd to assist me 
with 100 men pgainst the Spaniards. 

King Tomo Chachi was also there with 30 men & an account that 
some hundreds of the Creeks earnestly desired to fall upon the Spaniards. 

 220 (319) 

In three days I set out with a large Perriaugua and about 50 men, Cannon 
and Provisions for 2 months, two 10 Oar'd Boats and the Indians in 
their own Boats to relieve St. Georges, wch. I imagin'd by that time 
might be besieg'd. God was pleased to prosper me, so that I at about 
15 miles from St. Georges, being fortunately an Hour ahead of the rest 
of the Boats, met a Spanish bopt with a. Flag of Truce flying, and Mr. 
Dempsy and. the Gentlemen I (520) sent to Augustine in her, together with 
Don Pedro Lamberto Captain of their Troop of Horse, and Don Manuel 
Secretary to the Governour and Adjutant of the Garrison. It was lucky 
the Indians were not foremost, for if they had been they certainly 
would have engaged the Spanish boat, which I hardly (as it was) pre 
vented, by sending a 10 Oar'd Boat to Guard them to Frederica, where I 
ordered them to be received on board the man of war, and Tents to be 
pitch'd for them in Jekyll Islaad that they might not go up to the Town, 
nor make any discovery of our Strength. I afterwards had a Conference^/ 
with the Spanish Commanders on board the man of war where they din'd 
with ae. I received them in the greatest Form I could, having a Guard 
of the King's Troops on the xi right with their Bayonets fix'd, and on 
the left the Highlanders with their Targets and broad Swords drawn. 
After Dinner We drank the King of Great Britain's & the King of Spain's 
Health under the Discharge of the Cannon from the Ship; which was 
answered by 15 pieces of Cannon from Delegal's Fort, at the Sea Point; 
that again was followed by the Cannon from Fort St. Andrew and that by 
those of Frederica and the Darien as I had before ordered. The 
Spaniards seemed extreamly surprized that there should be so many Forts, 
and all within hearing of one another. Don Pedro smll'd and said No 

 221 (520) 

Wonder Don Ignatio made more haste home than out. After the healths 
were done, a vast Number of Indians came on board neked, painted and 
their heaAs dress'd in feathers. They demanded Justice on the Spaniards 
for having kill'd some of their men in time of full peace (as is men 
tioned in the Affidavit which I sent in my last to You). They farther 
prov'd that after the Woman was taken She had been abus'd by Numbers of 
men, and after having satisfied their Lusts for 2 days, they most in 
humanly burnt her alive. Don Pedro having ask'd several Questions 
acknowledged himself fully satisfyed of the Fact.Excusing it saying 
That he was then at Mexico, and that the Governour being newly come from 
Spain & not knowing the Customs of the Country had sent out Indians 
under the Command of Pohoia King of the Floridas who had exceeded their 
Orders, which were not to make war upon the Creeks, but the Indians not 
being contented, with that answer He undertook that at his return to 
(521) Augustine he would have the Pohoia King put to Death if he could 
be taken, and if he could not, that the Spaniards would supply his People 
with neither Powder, Arms, nor any thing else, but leave them to the 
Creeks. The Indians answered the.t he spoke well, and that if the 
Spaniards did what he said, all should be white between them, but if not 
they would then take Revenge, from which at my desire they would abstain 
till a final answer came. The Indian matters being thus settled we held 
a Conference with the Spanish Commissioners. They thank'd me first for 
my restraining the Indians who were in ny power, and hop'd I would 
extend that Care to the Upper Indians. They then (after having produc'd 
their Credentials) presented a Paper, of which I sent you a Copy from 
Frederica, the Contents were to know by what Title I settled upon St. 

 222 (521) 

Simons being ^ands "belonging to the King of Spain. I took the Paper 
promissing an Answer the next day (the Copy of which Answer I also sent 
You) the Substance was that the Lands belonged to the King of England by 
undoubted right, that I had proceeded with the utmost Caution taking 
with me Indians the atives & Possessors of those Lands, thut I had 
examin'd every place, to see if there were any Spanish Possessions, and 
vent forward till I found an Outguard of theirs over against which I 
settled the English, without committing any Hostilities or dislodging 
any; therefore I did not extend the King's dominions, but only with 
regular Garrisons settled that part of them w^ich was before a Shelter 
for Indians, Pyrates and such kind of disorderly men. The rest of the 
Evening we spent in Conversation which chiefly turn'd upon the Conven 
ience it would be both to the Spaniards and English to have regular 
Garrisons in sight of each other. Don Pedro smil'd and said he readiTy 
agreed to that, and did like very well to have their Spanish Guard upon 
the South side of Wapoo, which is within 5 miles of Charles Town and 
where the Spends, had a Garrison in King &tx Charles the first's time; I 
said I thought 'twas better as it was; for that there were a great many 
people liv'd between, who would never be persuaded to come into his 
Sentiments. 

In their memorial they mention'd that the Court of Spain repre 
sented to the Court of England that the (522) settling a Garrison by 
Governour Nicholson on the Alatahaha was invading the Spanish Dominions, 
& that thereupon the Garrison was withdrawn; This I disprov'd by the 
inclosed. At last Don Pedro acquainted me that he thought the Spaniards 
would refer the settling of the Limits to the Courts of Europe for which 

 223 (322) 

purpose they would write to their Court and in the mean time desired 
that no Hostilities might be committed and that I would send up a 
Commissary to sign with the Governour an Agreement to this purpose. I 
thereupon appointed Mr. Dempsy to be our Commissary and return with them. 
He has managed our Affairs hitherto with great address, and to that in 
great measure has been owing the present fortunate Situation of our 
Affairs. It would be highly necessary for You to set in a clear Light 
the King's Right to the Lands as far as St. Georges, to which purpose I 
sent you a Memorial in my last end to sollicit that our Court may not 
give up those valuable Islands of which they are in possession and to 
which they have an % undoubted Right, and which if supported will com 
mand all the Trade of the Spanish America. The Spaniards made great 
professions of Civility and assur'd me that in Case the Tranquility 
which they hop'd for was Establish'd They would deliver me any Quantity 
of Cattle or Horses that I should desire at a very reasonable Price; 
They want Iron and Woollen Goods, they have an open Trade to Mexico, 
and besides the Pay of the Garrison could get from thence as much 
Silver as they could furnish goods for. Don Pedro is the Ruling man in 
Augustine, and hath more Interest with the Council of War than the 
Governour and hath great Herds of Cattle; As he pass'd by St. Georges, 
he sent a whole Ox as a Present to our Garrison, and he gave me some 
Sweetmeats and Chocolate. I gave him a Gold Match, a Gun, and fresh 
Provisions, to Don Manuel I gave a Silver Watch, and sent back a boat to 
Escort them. If the Spaniards had committed Hostilities I believe I 
could (with the help of the Indians) have destroyed Augustine with 
facility, but God be pleased that by his blessing, the Diligence of 

 224 (322) 

Dempsy, and the Prudence of Don Fedro all bloodshed has been avoided. 
The Expence of these Affairs has been very great, and for the (523) most 
part not provided for in the Estimate; I should think therefore it would 
be right to save this year, by sending few familys upon the Charity. 
Those that You do should be numerous in Women, for there are in the 
Colony 5 men to one Woman (but great Care should be taken that the 
Women have good Characters & should not be abus'd and corrupted at Sea, 
The Masters of Ships and Sailors having it too muiSh in their power 
either by gratifying or frightning to debauch them.) The best Way of 
supporting the Place is by sending 400 Servants, 100 may be had from 
the North and 100 from the West of Scotland, 100 from Ireland or Wales 
& 100 from Germany. I shall recommend to You Gentlemen from hence, who 
will not only undertake the getting that Number of Servants for the 
Trust, but will also bring over one Servant at their own Expences, for 
every Servant, for whose Passage the Trust will give Credit; by which 
means the Colony will get 2 men by lending the Passage of one. Besides 
the Servants it will be necessary to continue the workmen end the 3 
Scout boats and also have provisions for new Comers, after the first 
year is expir'd and for the Magistrates thro' the Province. They would 
earn so as they would be able to repay the Charge of their Passage by 
carrying on all the publick Works & maintaining the Garrisons. 

Having settled the Frontiers with Foreigners a more difficult 
Task is arose, The People of Carolina (Instigated by some Merchants of 
Charles Town who have a Profit in sending Rum up the River) have set 
the Assembly against this Province. You will see Copys of the Letters 
from the Lieut. Govr. to me on that occasion. Some of the Merchants 

 223 (523) 

have also persuaded the Lieut. Govr. to dispute the Indian Trading Act & 
to send up Traders in defiance of the King's orders; I do not know which 
way to manage on this occasion, not being willing to disoblige the 
People of Carolina, and yet being resolved to put in Execution his 
Majesty's Orders, and the Laws pase'd by his Majesty, the Council and 
You, I hope God will direct me so that I may act upon this occasion in 
such a manner that may be the most beneficial to mankind. 

The settling the Domestick Affairs of this Colony & regulating 
what has been amiss, encouraging the good & industrious, & reducing the 
mutinous and disorderly & (524) punishing the wicked will be a difficult 
part, but not so hard as the others. 

The first thing I did on my return from the So.ward on 31st of 
May was to hold s&x a Court pad declare to all the People that I would 
receive all Petitions made in writing, that I would read them by my 
self & that every Person should have free j% Liberty of complaining, and 
that if any man had been oppress'd by People in or out of Employment 
they shou'd apply and be heard; I have had between 3 & 400 Petitions 
already delivered in, most of them founded on Grievances received from 
private men, Damages done by Cattle &c. But the most general Complaint 
is that Merchants or rather Pedlars have brought up Goods hither and 
sold them at extravagant Prices, and the People not able to Pay for them 
complain of Oppression from their Creditors. The Merchants on the other 
Side complain that their Debtors have cheated them by buying and con 
suming (%- goods which they were not able to pay for, I believe the Colony 
continually looses the Labour of about 200 men by their being detained by 
Tryals, Writs & Imprisonments, there are about 300 Debtors whom their 

 226 (524) 

Creditors will not permit to go out of the Colony, who walk about discon 
tented. & will not work because they say their Improvements will go to 
their Creditors. The Court before I arrived us'd to order that half the 
Labour of the Debtor should go to the Creditor & half to the main 
tenance of his family, but the Creditors were discontented & the 
Debtors geneerally grew sick or pretended to be so after such orders, 
and those who did not were obliged to work for hire & thereby neglect 
the improvts. of their Lots. I can think of no remedy unless it should 
be the forbidding any Credit. With respect to the General Accots. Mr. 
Causton who has a dry house over his head can send those from Savannah 
punctually, & Moor will do from Frederica, as goon as he can get a dry 
place to write in. 

The Indians and Traders and Cherikeee are all down here and 
claim the Protection of the Trustees (those Indians all living in 
Georgia) and offer to build a Town at their own Expence 300 miles up the 
River, to consist cf 40 families the first year and desire neither 
Provisions nor any other Expence from the Trustees for the same. The 
families are all to be white People or half bred. Indians, They leave 
their Children here at School with Mr. Wesley. I have drawn several 
Bills of Exchange, for Merchants at Carolina have run down our Georgia 
Bills for the present. Mr. Causton will send you Advice for I am at the 
End of my Paper. 

most obedient 
J. Oglethorpe 

 22? (323) 

Extract of a Letter from Mr. Semi. Eveleigh to George Morley Esqr. begun 
31st May and. continued to 4th June 1736. 

3lst May. The Creek Indiaae have been down to St. Augustines end have 
killed Seven Spaniards contrary to the intention of Mr. Oglethorpe, end 
do believe he would have prevented it if he could, and as those Indians 
are expected down to Georgia, I doubt not, but he will do his utmost to 
persuade them to commit no more Hostilities amongst the Spaniards. 

In my last I informed You that Major Richard and Esqr. Horton 
were designed for St. Augustine. When they arrived there a Spaniard 
went to the Governour pnd falsely informed him that they were viewing 
the back part of the Castle with a Design of finding out a method to 
surprize it. Upon which the Governour confined them to an house they 
lived in and put Centrys at the Door about 9 of the Clock in the morning, 
but by 4 in the afternoon they had their Liberty again. 33y a Vessel 
from thence I am informed that the Governour had sent them to Frederica 
in a Launce, together with the Captsin of Horse and Mr. Dempsy, and 
doubt not but this week I shall hear of their safe Arrival; Mr. Ogle 
thorpe heard of their Confinement but not of their Releasement, which 
put him under some Consternation. 

4. June. Yesterday came down a Boat from Savannah in Georgia which 
gave an Accot. That Mr. Oglethorpe arrived there this day seven nights 
from the River St. George about 30 miles on this side (326) St. Augus 
tine, after having had an Interview with the Captain of Horse belonging 
to the said Place sent p that Governour in order to settle the Boundaries 
between the two Governments. Mr. Oglethorpe seems to be very secret in 

 228 (526) 

this Affair, however it is reported that the Conclusion of it was to 
refer the Decision to the two Courts, and in the mean time to live 
amicably peaceably and good Neighbours together. This I take to be a 
good piece of Policy in Mr. Oglethorpe, for by the time there can be an 
answer, he will be cape.ble of finishing his Forts, mounting his Guns 
and furnishing them with Men, that it will be no easy matter for the 
Spaniards to dislodge them; and by Accots. he is expected in Charles 
Town every day, where he is to be lodged at Cob. Fenwick's & doubt not 
but he will be received very handsomely, for 15 great Guns are ordered 
to be discharged so soon as he comes on Shore. 

Some Creek Traders tell me That there was an Indian man and his 
Wife came down from the Chickesaws to the Creeks some time since, and 
gave an Accot. That a parcel of Frenchmen and Indians did attack the 
Chickesaws in their Nation, but that they attacked them afterwards end 
killed 40 French men end 9 Indiens and took 1$ Horses loaded, with 
Ammunition end some Goods. 

This Body is supposed to be the Indians called the Illenois, who 
are undoubtedly upon this Defeat gone back again. 

(529) Letter from Mr. Oglethorpe to Col: Broughton dated 5th June 1736. 

Sir 

I rec'd. the favour of yours of the 21st and in answer to your 
former I in my last % acquainted You that I wrote to the Magistrates of 
Savannah demanding ±HSc an Account of their Proceedings about seizing & 
staving the Rum. To which they returned the enclosed. And if the same 

 229 (529) 

is Fact, the Persons who, You say, are Sufferers *by these Proceedings 
have suffered because they brought into the ^rovince of Georgia Goods 
prohibited by the Lavs of Georgia, which Laws were enacted by His 
Majesty in Council end executed by the Legal Officers appointed pursuant 
to the Constitution of this Province. 

You say I am silent about the AgtxisKi Advices You rec'd. and sent 
me of Mischiefs brewing among the Creeks. I was silent because those 
Advices were without Foundation; for th4 only Mischiefs brewing there 
were by the new % Traders iaacxi sent last year by Carolina, and by the 
Spaniards who were to be furnished by some Persons in Carolina with 
Guns Ac, of which I gave You advice confirmed by the Officers of His 
Majesty s Customs in Charles Town, & which I hope has been prevented by 
their Care and my order to Mr. Eveleigh for buying up th4 Gunds. The 
Person You was pleased to examine on this Intelligence and whose Affi 
davit You sent me, was a Trader to Augustine & might therefore probably 
be one who had contracted to furnish the Spaniards with those Arms. 

With respect to the Indian Trade, neither I nor the Trustees can 
have any Profit by it; nor have I any Regard to it but as the well 
regulating of it is necessary for maintaining the Peace with the 
Indians; and I entirely join with the Commons House of Assembly in what 
they with great Prudence have declared that His Majesty's good Subjects 
of your Province have been fully taught by long Experience and at the 
Expence of much Blood and Treasure that no Methods are effectual to 
secure the Friendship of the Indians but that of a free, easy and well 
regulated Trade. To come at which good Purpose, His Majesty thought it 
necessary (530) enact the enclosed Law. I have in every Shape since I 

 230 (510) 
j^ 

have known the rovince of Carolina, in England, in America, at Court, 
on the Frontiers, labour'd continually for it's Service; and. am per 
suaded that notwithstanding the Artifices of a few designing men you 
will join with me in judging that our taking the Indian Trade with the 
Expence of treating with the Indians is taking off a Burthen from the 
Province of Carolina. The Pablick there kao& having teen at all the 
$x Expences and a few private Merchants only receiving the Benefit. The 
Trade, according to this Law, is not exclusive but free, easy & well 
regulated, and if any Person comes from Carolina I shall as soon grant 
him a Licence as any other, he conforming to the wise Directions con 
tained in the Act. 

Your Honour is pleased to use the following Words "I shall with 
"the Advice of His Majesty's Council send Advice to all the Traders 
"belonging to this Province that they may take out Licences from this 
"Government only as usual (the Word only is interlined) for as all the 
"Traders are daily expected with their Returns from the several Nations 
"it may be of fatal Consequence for an Affair of this Inport to lie in 
"Suspence." Give me Leave Sir to say that I cannot suppose that His 
Majesty's Council in Carolina will give your Honour Advice to differ in 
opinion with His Majesty and His Privy Council in Great Britain, who on 
mature Consideration have enacted the enclosed Law. I am apt to believe 
Your Honour's and the Council's daily Expectation of all the Traders is 
not well grounded, for great Numbers of those who are most experienced 
in the Cherikee and Creek Trade are now here. I have not Penetration 
enough to perceive how an Affair can lie in Suspence which is already 
determined by His Majesty & His Privy Council, as You may see in the 

 231 (330) 

enclosed Act wch. this Colony are by their Duty to the King obliged to 
put in Execution. I am persuaded that after having perused this Lav 
You will consider the Consequences of giving Licences to Traders to act 
in Georgia contrary to the Laws of Georgia, and whether if they in 
Obedience to your Instructions should commit an unlawful Act and suffer 
pursuant to Law, You or those who Sign such Orders will not be liable to 
answer to such Traders (531) f°r the Damage they sustain in pursuing 
your Orders. 

I gave You Sir early notice of this Act. I also gave notice to 
the Indian Traders before they left the Nation; and still to prevent 
unwary men from suffering by disobeying the said Law I have sent up an 
Officer to give Notice to all Persons on their passing the Rivers into 
Georgia of this Act, that they may comply with it. I doubt not but all 
the Disputes which seem to be between the two Governments will soon be 
at an End when You peruse and consider the enclosed Laws which His 
Majesty has signified to be His Royal Pleasure, and which by the Advice 
of His Privy Council He has finally enacted. 

I thank You Sir for communicating to me a Paragraph of the 
Governour of Augustine's Letter. I suppose that was all of it which 
You thought needful for me to know. I have exactly pursued His Majesty's 
Orders in that Affair as I have and shall in all others. After many 
Difficulties too long here to mention Don Pedro Lamberto Capt. of Horse 
and Don Msnuel Adjutant to the Garrison came Commissioners from the 
Governor and Council of War with full Powers to treat with me. They 
made the Claims You mention ami and much larger, for they talked of 
Wapoo River. I answered them from the very Instruction, a Copy of 

 232 (331) 

which I since rec'd. from You. They concluded nothing, but acquainted 
me that the Governor and Council of W&r were desirous no Hostilities 
might be committed on either Side, but that each should state the matter 
in dispute and send it to their respective Courts; and that it was neces 
sary a Treaty should be signed for continuing the present Tranquility 
till then. They desired that the Indians also might be comprehended 
in the Treaty, and prevented from committing Hostilities upon them; and 
said they would take Care Saitsfaction should be made me for putting 
the Messengers sent with the Flag of Truce under Centinels; and by the 
Pohoia King of the Floridas, for the barbarous murder he committed two 
Years since upon some of our Creeks. 

At the same time that they were sent out to me with these Over 
tures I am certainly informed the Govr. was getting Arms Ammunition and. 
Previsions & sent to Chelikelechi who lies below the Forks of the Flint 
(532) to engage the Upper Creeks in his Interest. But the Traders now 
come down from the Creeks assure me, that none but Chelikelechi and those 
Streglers who always adhered to him will come into the Spanish measures. 
And I have good reason to hope that when the Nation meets at the Busk 
they will oblige Chelikelechi and. those men who live with him to return 
to their own Towns. I sent down with Don Pedro a Gentleman to receive 
the Treaty Signed by the Governor of Augustine and wait with Impatience 
his Return, for till it is Signed I cannot rely upon the Spaniards; and 
till then I must stay in the Neighbourhood to attend the Event. This at 
present prevents my coming down to Charles Town pursuant to the Desire 
of the Assembly. And as I hear they have now broke up, my immediate 
Coming down is not so necessary. I do not doubt but You and His Majesty's 

 233 (532) 

Council will, according to your assurances, continue in the same good 
Disposition to His Majesty's Service; and I cen assure You that on my 
part I shall always be ready to serve the Province of Carolina upon all 
occasions except in such things as would be to their Prejudice, by my 
disobeying Acts His Majesty has been pleased to make for regulating the 
Colony of Georgia, & consequently rendring my self obnoxious to him who 
only can enable me to serve them. 

The Assembly having rose without making any Provision for the 
Rangers try'd the month of June I shall take them into the Georgia Pay, 
because the King's Service cannot be done without them. I desire to 
know what you wou'd have me do with the Scout boat, whose appointment 
expires this month. Capt. Ferguson has been at considerable Expences, 
for keeping her in repair, Warehouse Room &c, and for necessary Food 
for the Men, for which he steads indebted to the Trustees. He has been 
a faithful and useful Servant to the Province of Carolina, and I think 
it would be barbarous to use him ill who has deserved so well of the 
Country; and therefore desire to know what is to be done about the Debt 
and about the Boat. 

I am informed that the Govr. of Augastine has sent a Packet by 
Charles Town to be sent thro' England to the Court of Spain. If it be 
so, and it can be got I believe it would be for His Majesty's Service to 
send it to the Duke of Newcastle or the Lord President of the Council 
that they may take such measures for the Delivery thereof as they in 
their Wisdom shall j&m think proper. I am &c. 
Savannah 5th June 1736. 

 234 (533) 

Letter from Mr. Oglethorpe to Paul Jenys Esqr. dated 5th June 1736. 

Sir 

I have wrote at large to the Governour concerning the Represen 
tations relating to the Rum and Indian Acts; what I shall chiefly 
observe to You is that the Jealousies in Carolina have arose from two 
Mistakes, the Boats with Rum were in the Waters of Georgia and conse 
quently within the Act; with respect to the Indian Trade the Assembly 
who have Acted in a prudent and temperate manner upon this occasion, 
yet did not see a Distinction in the Virginia Case upon which a great 
deal depends (vizt.) The Law pass'd by the People of Carolina, was not 
assented to by the Queen and therefore the Virginians petitioned the 
Queen not to assent to the Law; her Majesty calling up for the Law and 
refusing to ratify it, it became thereby void. Whereas our Law is 
enacted by the King and Council and I have orders to put it in Execu 
tion. I must own I was never more Surprized than at the Outcry against 
the Indian Law, I thought it would have been as universally acceptable 
as it is really advantageous to Carolina. The Indians have not only 
been dangerous to the Province but the Pretence for Loading the People 
with Taxes, Presents to the Nations, Alarms and men raised at large 
Charges, were no small Burthen to the Publick, Agents with Salaries 
Perquisites and Allowances and Numbers of men to attend. Those Agents 
were used as men in bad circumstances, a few in Charles Town gain'd, 
hereby the industrious frugal Planter^ was oppress'd with Taxes. I 
thought the taking away this Pretence of Loading the People (5?4) with 
needless Charges was of Service to the Country, but the saving will not 
only arise from the not paying & Commissioner and saving of Presents, 

 233 (334) 

but the Garrison of Pallachocolas is now no Expence to Carolina.; these 
Considerations strengthen'd me in my opinion, and one more weighty than 
all that the Indians, the Trade being well regulated and Settled in this 
Province, will if injured take their Revenge on this Province. You are 
certainly eensible that all the Care of Carolina could not prevent the 
misbehaviour of the Traders which You know has been so enormous as to 
drive the Indians into a War. What then must be the Case if the Caro 
lina People were to licence and we too; and to prevent these Incon 
veniences the King has wisely passed the Indian Act, and tho' it is not 
my business to reason but to obey his Orders yet such is the Goodness of 
His Majesty that as he does nothing but upon the wisest and fullest 
considerations he therefore is willing to convince his People of the 
Reasonableness of those Laws which it is necessary for them to Obey. 
And therefore I think without derogating from His Authority I may men 
tion some of the things which as above might have been His Majesty's 
Motives for passing this Law. In this critical Conjuncture when the 
French and Spaniards are striving to debauch our Indians it is abso 
lutely necessary for me not to suffer any one to go amongst them con 
trary to the Tenour of this Act for if any mischief should arise there 
from I shall be answerable for it by daring to dispense with a Law 
which if executed might have prevented the mischief. I am sure there 
fore that what I do upon this occasion will be very acceptable to every 
true Friend of Carolina, and as I know the Assembly to be compos'd of 
such (335) I give You the Trouble of this long Letter, which I hope 
You'll communicate to such Members as You shall meet that they may not 
be prejudiced by the misrepresentations of artfull men. The Trade is 

 236 (533) 

not Exclusive but regulated by the Act, and any Carolina man who comes 
to take his Licence out here will be always well received. 

I should have been with You but hearing the Assembly was up and 
the Affairs of the Spaniards not quite concluded I found it necessary to 
stay here. I assure the Gentlemen of the Assembly that nobody is more 
attach'd to their Interest then I am, and I hope my Assurances will be 
the better credited since I have been fortunate enough to have already 
given some Proofs of it. I am 

Sir 

Your most Obedient humble Servant 

(537) Mr. Richard Allein*s Account of Carolina Affairs to the Honble. 
Col. William Bull Esqr. dated 6th June 1736. 

Sir 

I am very glad my Services were made acceptable to that Gentleman 
and hope You'll return him my Thanks for the Acknowledgements he made me 
on that occasion, 

The Task You now engage me in is very difficult tho' I shall 
think nothing too difficult to Serve you or the Interests of that 
Gentleman so far as it may Contribute to the Satisfaction of both the 
Colonys. 

You may plainly perceive the present Disposition of the People in 
general by the Memorial which was signed by all the Merchants in Charles 
Town unanimously except such as happened to be absent and out of Town or 
such as were in the Upper and Lower House to whom it was not tender*d to 

 237 (537) 

be Signed as not being convenient. The Report made upon this Memorial 
does plainly discover the Sentiments of those in Power to whom the Con 
sideration of it was referr'd and who notwithstanding the Care that was 
taken to have it referr'd to those who shew'd the most Dislike to that 
Memorial and to such as had on many Occasions expressed their Attach 
ments to the Service of that Gentleman thought it incumbent upon them 
to make such a Report. 

You may further discern by this Memorial what are the Principal 
Grounds and Causes of their Discontent. They are apprehensive that 
Schemes have been formed and which they plainly see are now set on foot 
for taking from them the whole Indian Trade which gives them a great 
deal of uneasiness and restless Concern. 

1st. For that the Profits arising upon that (538) Trade to the 
Merchants and to the Province in general are more than all their Annual 
Tax amounts to; which communibus Aanis is between Six and Seven Thousand 
Pounds Sterling. 

2d. For that the Clergy of the Province Rectors of 13 Parishes 
who were chiefly mainteined out of the Duty arising upon the Exports of 
Deer Skins, if that Trade be lost, must be maintained by their respec 
tive Parishes; the Charge of which will not only be more visibly felt 
but revive the Animosities between Church and Dissenters; the latter 
always looking upon it to be a grievous Burthen for them to Contribute 
to the maintenance of the Clergy and to maintain their own Pastors 
besides. 

To reconcile this difference the Clergy were provided for 
out of the Dutys upon Furrs and Skins; and what fell short was to be 

 238 (538) 

made up to them out of other Dutys. Bat if they lose this Tre.de they 
must of necessity be maintained either by their respective Parishes, or 
out of other Dutys that go to the Support of Government and consequently 
encrease the Taxes considerably. 

3d. The three Staple Conmnoditys of the Province Pitch Tarr and 
Rice are become a Drug. The two first in no demand at all, and the last 
yields so low a Price in Europe that the Merchants both here and at 
home these two years last past have been great Sufferers by the returns 
of that Commodity. 

The Loss they frequently met with upon Rice was in some measure 
mace up to them by the Gsins upon Skins but if those two Branches of 
Trade be divided it will not be worth while for the British Merchants to 
Continue their Trade to South Carolina but they must look out where they 
can Trade to more advantage, and if the Inhabitants (539) of this 
Country are forced to Sell their Rice much cheaper they will be so far 
from being able to buy Negroes that they will not be able to purchase 
the Necessarys of Life. This is what gives the Colony so many fears and 
uneasinesses and has made them almost irreconcilable to Georgia. 

The two Acts lately made by a Common Council of the Trustees in 
London, the one intitled an Act for the maintaining the Peace with 
Georgia, the other intitled an Act to prevent the Importation of Rum, 
has added a great deal to their former Concern for they are apprehensive 
that an ill use will be made of the Clause in the first Act, which seys 
"That if any Person or Persons whatsoever other than such as duly 
"obtain Licences in the manner therein mentioned and directed should 
"directly or indirectly trade to, traffick, or barter with any Indian or 

 239 (339) 

"Indians within the Province of Georgia should forfeit One hundred 
"Pounds Sterling Ac", and that this Clause vill be extended so far as to 
compel their Traders to take Licences from Georgia. 

Upon this Act these four several Questions do arise. First 
whether the Upper and Lower Creeks and Cherikee Nations; or what part of 
them are within the Province of Georgia? 

Secondly If so whether the Government of Georgia has an Exclu 
sive Right to the Trade with all or such of those Indians who shall be 
found to be within the Bounds of the Georgia Charter? 

Thirdly If they have not an Exclusive Right as the Eonble. the 
Trustees seem to admit they have not; whether the Common Council of the 
Trustees in London or Georgia, or to put it out of Dispute whether the 
Government or Legislative (540) Power of Georgia when the same shall 
fall again into the hands of the Crown can pass Laws to bind the 
Traders of South Carolina and Virginia who shall come to Trade with the 
Indians within the Limits of Georgia; or to Compell them to Submit to 
such Regulations as the Trustees or Government of Georgia shall think 
fit? If this be granted the second Question, whether Georgia has an 
Exclusive Right to Trade with the Indians within their Government is 
Solved in the Affirmative; for 'tis plain they have an Exclusive Right 
at the same time they disavow it. To give a few Examples may be suffi 
cient though many more might be given, Suppose the Government of 
Georgia should Enact that all Persons trading from Virginia & South 
Carolina with any Nation of Indians living within the Limits of Georgia 
should be obliged under such and such Penalties to take out Licences 
from Georgia; repair to Georgia twice a Year &c; both which are 

 24o (540) 

impracticable, nay impossible to be complyed with. It remains then no 
longer a Question whether Georgia has an Exclusive Eight to that Trade 
or not. 

The Merchants <3.o apprehend this to be the Purview of the Trustees 
Act for settling the Peace with Georgia which they perceive is now 
about to be put in Execution in the most extensive Latitude by Mr. 
Oglethorpe's sending for all the Traders in the Creek and Cherikee 
Nations who are now in the Service of, or Credited by the several Mer 
chants of South Carolina using that Trade. 

Fourthly. If any of those Nations of Indians should be found to 
be out of the Limits of Georgia; whether the Traders of any other 
Colony passing (54l) through the Government of Georgia shall be obliged 
to submit to the Laws made by the Government of Georgia. If so those 
Laws will have the same Effect as to all such as are obliged to go 
through the Government of Georgia. 

To this I must add a fifth which must be Solved before this 
Affair can be adjusted and that is whether the Indians themselves ere 
not a free People notwithstanding their Dominions lie within the Bounds 
or Limits of the Georgia Charter & whether they may not receive or 
invite as well the French or any other Foreigners as the English to come 
into their Territoriea or Towns; and trade with them upon such Terms and 
Conditions as they shall think fit, notwithstanding any Regulations made 
by the Government of Georgia to the contrary? If this be Solved in the 
Affirmative it follows that the Trade must remain free and open to a,ll 
Persons whatsoever as well Foreigners as Subjects as it has done in all 
times past. 

 24i (2541) 

The Merchants of South Carolina are no less concerned to know if 
their Traders or those which they hage trusted enter into the Service 
of Georgia how they shall come by their Debts which are said to amount 
to a hundred thousand Pounds this Currency. I suppose this is magnifyed 
however those Debts are very considerable. This Affair I am afraid will 
greatly embarrass Mr. Oglethorpe, who as he is a Gentleman of strict 
Honour is in some measure concerned to see those Debts discharged before 
he takes those Traders into the Service of Georgia for though this be 
impossible to be done because many of those Traders are so far in Debt 
already that they can't discharge those Debts out of the Profits arising 
upon their Trade these three or four years; yet it will be matber of 
Complaint to employ them before they have paid their Debts which they 
owe on account of that TrutLe to the Merchants of (342) South Carolina. 

As to the Act to prevent the Importation of Rum if I may have 
Leave to give my Opinion upon it; I can't but think it was wrong to lay 
the Penalty upon the Importation; As the Case stands, The Penalties 
ought to h?ve been given on the Landing or laying a shore at Georgia, 
not upon the Importation into Savannah River because I suppose Savannah 
River to be the Boundarys between the two Colonys wherefore it cannot 
properly be called an Importation into one Colony more than an Importa 
tion into the other; for Suppose South Carolina should pass an Act for 
prohibiting the Importation of Strong Beer into South Carolina. As 
Carolina has as much Right to that River as Georgia, an Importation of 
Strong Beer into that Riv&r would be an Importation of Strong Beer into 
South Carolina, and consequently liable to a Seizure in the same 
manner. 

 242 ( $42 ( 

Suppose further that the Words Korthermost Stream does include 
all Savannah River yet People living on the La,n&s lying on the North 
Side of that River belonging to the Government of South Carolina have 
as much Right to the Navigation of that River as the People of Georgia* 
This I take to be a Point Settled by Civilians that the Rivers lying 
between two Governments, though of different -ations, is in common to 
both or else both might make prohibitory Lews and render the Navigation 
useless to both. 

The imprisonment of the Patroons belonging to the Carolina Boats 
till they should find Sureties to appear at the Georgia Sessions to 
answer the Penalties mentioned in the Rum Act was a Blunder of the 
Georgia Officers for the Patroons had not Incurred any as willxagpzauday 
appear by having Recourse to that Act. 

The Merchants of Charles Town take this Proceeding of Staving 
their Rum in another Light than what the Georgia Officers pretend to 
have done (3^3) it for. They look upon it as done with a View of 
Obstructing their Trade with the Indians; because they are told that the 
Georgians were informed by some of the Carolina Tracers, now in their 
Service, that if the Carolinians were suffered to carry Rum amongst the 
Indians, & the Georgians were restrained, they the Georgia Traders would 
not be able to see a Yard of Cloth, not but that they are much Surprized 
to Bnow what the Georgia Officers mean by hindring the People of South 
Carolina from carrying of Rum to their own People at Savannah Town and 
to the other Settlements on the North Side of Savannah River. As to 
prohibiting Rum being carried amongst the Indians in my opinion 'tis 
not practicable for if the Georgians won't do it, the Carolinians will. 

 243 (343) 

If both are restrained the French will Supply them in plenty by way of 
Moville & thereby they will get the whole Trade from the English. But 
there is another reason of as much Consequence as any of the rest which 
has not been taken notice of which is this. The Indians acquire much 
more by their Hunts than what they dispend in their Cloathing, Yet 
provide only for their Cloathing but from Year to Year, the rest they 
dispend on Rum. Such of them which ineed are but few who are so 
prudent or cunning as not to Spend their money or Skins in that Liquor 
have Cloathing for three or four years lying by them and if the Genera 
lity of them did so then after they were well Stocked they would either 
not hunt at all till their Cloathing was near Spent or rather make War 
upon the English; which now they cannot well do because they are Sup- 
plyed but from Year to Year. 

When the Indian War broke out there was a pernicious Scheme 
formed by two Bristol Merchants for supplying the Indians with English 
Goods by way of Moville and who had Encouragement from Moville so to do; 
the one set up his Store at Bermudas the other at New York. But a Peace 
with the Indians being (544) suddenly concluded all their measures came 
to nothing and they broke up their Stores brought their Goods to South 
Carolina and sold them at Outcry. But had the Project taken Effect 
'tis thought we never should have had a Peace with the Indians to this 
day, and if they be Supplied in plenty with Rum by way of Moville and at 
the same time we should be hindred from carrying Rum amongst them in 
all probability the Peace with the Indians would not be lasting and our 
Trade with them would be on a very precarious footing. 

There were formerly prohibitory Laws made in this Government 

 244 

against carrying Rum amongst the Ind.ia.ns but the Government foreseeing 
the ill Consequences of it they were either xxpBi repealed or became 
obsolete. 

As to reconciling the differences between the two Governments I 
don't apprehend it will ever be done effectually till they ere united 
into one Government under one Governor then their Interest will be one 
& all their Laws and Constitutions the same. 

But as perhaps this will never be thought fit to be done at 
least till the Necessity becomes more apparent It will behove the two 
Governments to come to an Eclaircissement out of hand or Letters of 
Complimt. will be turned into Letters of Complaint Memorials & Remon 
strances. But in order to make up these Differences nothing can be more 
necessary than Mr. Oglethorpe's Presence. 

Mr. Oglethorpe's Letter of the llth of May 1736 does not give 
Content or Satisfaction being rather a Vindication of the Officers of 
Georgia, than an Apology. He says indeed that if the Magistrates of 
Savannah have exceeded their Authority he will severely animadvert upon 
their Conduct, yet at the same time he says it is not his single Opinion 
but the absolute Order of the King to prevent the Importing of Rum into 
that Colony. But the Sole Question is what is meant by an Importation 
into Georgia? (543) 

Here is no disavowing of the Conduct of the Officers in all this 
Affair; which was what was hoped for and expected. 

Mr. Oglethorpe is pleased to declare by the same Letter that as 
for hindring the Trade ^ up the River or hindring the Carolina People 
from na.vige.ting the same he is sure that the Trustees much less himself 

 24$ (343) 

neger intend any thing of that kind; yet in three days after there was 
an Account brought to Charles Totm that the Burysburghers were forced 
to Carry their Negroes consigned to them by Mr. Simons by Land because 
the Georgia Officers threetned to Seize them if they carried them to 
Purysburgh by Water. Is not this Stopping the Navigation of that 
River? 

The Trustees in their Letter of the 3th of January 1733 sre 
pleased to declare that as to the Priviledge & Liberty of Trading with 
any Nation of free Indians they pretend to no Exclusive Right. But they 
do not declare that the People trading from South Carolina or Virginia 
to or with the Indians within the Limits of Georgia were never intended 
to be comprehended or included within that Act. 

If Mr. Oglethorpe be desirous to givet the People of South Caro 
lina Saitsfection and Content it may easily be done but whether it be 
fitting and convenient to be done must rest in that Gentleman's own 
Judgment for I know nothing of his Intentions or Instructions, therefore 
the most unfit Person in the World to advise. But as You so earnestly 
desire to know what will give the People Content I may venture to say, 
If that Gentleman upon Examination of the Affair of Seizing and Stsving 
the Rum shall find that his Officers at Georgia have exceeded their 
Authority and will be pleased to declare that he is of opinion they have 
and that they shpll make Satisfaction for all Damages. 

If he will please to declare that the Navigation (346) of 
Savannah River shall be always deemed to be free and open to all the 
Inhabitants of South Carolina as well for carrying up Rum ss other Indian 
Trading Goods to old Savannah Town for the Indian Trade as for Supplying 

 246 (546) 

of all other Settlements on the North Side of Savannah River therewith 
and also with Negroes for the use of these Settlements so that they do 
not land such Rum or Negroes or put the seme on Shore at Georgia and 
that these Trading Boats shall meet with no Interruption for the 
future. 

That the Trade with the Indians shall be free open and in common 
as well to the Inhabitants of South Carolina as gz Georgia. 

That the Act for Settling the Peace with the Indians was never 
intended to extend to the Trade or Traders of South Carolina or 
Virginia who may go end come at their Liberty without Restraint of their 
Persons or Goods and carry on a Trede with all the Creeks and Cherikeee 
by Licence and Authority from their own respective Governments without 
Interruption. 

That he will not admit into the Service of Georgia such Traders 
as are indebted to the Carolina Merchants till they have discharged 
their Debts or till he take some Order concerning the Payment of those 
Debts. 

If Setisfaction be given in these points I am perswaded there will 
be an End of all the present Differences between the two Colonys. 

But there is a material Point which remains to be Settled and 
that is whether the Progince of South Carolina have a Right to send an 
Agent amongst the Indians or not. If it be allowed they have it will be 
highly necessary that there should be but one Agent notwithstanding for 
both Colonys, and (54?) one Talk given to the Indians to be agreed on by 
both Governments. This is so necessary that it needs no Comment. 

If it be admitted that the Trade is in common to both I am of 

 24? ($4?) 

opinion it will be necessary for the two Governments to concert measures 
together and agree upon certain other Points to be observed, by both 
(vizt.) To ascertain the Price of such Goods as are most in Demand and. 
usually Sold amongst the Indians otherwise the Traders will strive to 
under Sell each other to get the most Skins till the Trade becomes of no 
benefit to either. 

That the Lavs that prevent Credit being given to the Indians be 
strictly put in Execution which if not done will be attended with the 
same Inconveniences. And that such other Regulations be made as shsll 
be thought necessary and of equal Advantage to both Governments. 

If You think these Hints will be of any Service to that Gentleman 
You will please to communicate them if not I hope they will be taken in 
good part because they were intended for his Service. The Secrecy You 
enjoyn'd me in the last Affair I must return upon You, and am 

Sir 

Your most Obedient 

Charles Town humble Servant 
6th June 1736.