The source of this uncorrected OCR text may be viewed in the DjVu format at: http://fax.libs.uga.edu/J84xSIx2x1xv19a/ or http://purl.galileo.usg.edu/ugafax/J84xSIx2x1xv19a/ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY SISETEENTH' MSUAi ΚΕΡΟΚΓ NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT. FRONTISPIECE OF THE BUEEAÜ OF AMEBICM ETHNOLOGY TO THE «'i \ \ -"*. .' ';· W" .Ϊ. y·· SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSÜNIAN INSTITUTION 1897-98 BT J. «IKECTOJl TWO PAÜTS —ΓΆ11Τ 1 §¿ 4 \ \ f. - WITHIN THE KIVA \VASHINGTON GOVEBNMENÏ FEINTING OFFICE 1900 LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY, Washington, I). C., July 1, 1898. SIR: I have the honor to submit my Nineteenth Annual Report as Director of the Bureau of American Ethnology. The Report opens with an. account of the operations of the Bureau during the past fiscal year and with some exposition of the principles pursued in the work; the remainder com prises nine memoirs prepared by collaborators, which illustrate the methods and results of the work of the Bureau. It is a pleasure to express my appreciation of your constant aid and support in the work under my charge. I am, with respect, your obedient servant, Erector- S. P. LANGLEY, Secretary of the Smithsoman Institution. MAR 2 9«! CONTENTS REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR Page Introduction ......................................................... xi Field research and exploration ........................................ xin Office research ....................................................... xix Work in esthetology.............................................. xix Work in technology .............................................. xx Work in sociology-_----_-----__---------------------------------. xxn Work in philology ............................................... xxv Work in sophiology .............................................. xxvn Descriptive ethnology ............................................ xxvni Collections.__--_-_----.---.------------------------------_------. xxix Publication ,...^................................................. xxix Bibliography...__-----------_--._-..----..-----.--------------.-. xxx Library..--.-.--..------.--..----..-.--..........-...-------..... xxx Illustrations _...-.--.-----.-.--..------.--------------.--_--.-.-. xxx Property.. ---...-..'........-....-.-....--.--..-----......-.-..... xxxi Financial statement .................................................. xxxiv Characterization of accompanying papers .............................. xxxv Subjects treated .................................................. xxxv Myths of the Cherokee .-.-......-......--...---........-.----.... xxx vu Tusayan migration traditions...................................... xxxix Localization of Tusayan clans ..................................... xi.i Mounds in northern Honduras .................................... xi.i Primitive numbers ............................................... XLIH Numeral systems of Mexico and Central America..--.-....._.______ XLIV Mayan calendar systems .......................................... xui The wild rice gatherers of the upper lakes.......................... MI Tusayan flute and snake ceremonies ............................... xi.v Esthetology, or the science of activities designed to give pleasure ........ i.v General considerations-........................................... LV Ambrosial pleasures .............................................. MX Decorative pleasures..-...-.--------------------..-...-.---....... LX Athletic pleasures _._.--------------..-.-...---------............. LXJII Cîames........................................................... LXVIII ®r VI CONTENTS Esthetolog}', or thé science of activities designed to give pleasure — Cont'd Fine art« ........................................................ Mußic ..-------.-------------_------------------------------- Rhythm .......................".......................... Melody .................................................. Harmony ................................................ Symphony ............................................... Graphic art .....--____....______-----..-.-..._......-..-.-... Sculpture ................................................ Relief ................................................... Perspective .............................................. Chiaroscuro ........^... .................................. Drama. .........----..............--...----..............-.-„ Sacrifice ....... Ceremony ...... Histrionic art. .. Romance ......... Bea«t fable. ... Power myth .. jSecroniaucy ... Novels. .......- Poetr\' .-.-.-------- Personification . Similitude ..... Allegory ...... Trope ........ Page LXX LXX LXXI LXXI LXXII LXXIII LXXIV LXXIV LXX v I.ÄXVI LXXVI LXXVII LXXVII LXXVII ι LXXVIII LXXIX LXXXI LXXXII LXXXIII LXXXV LXXXVI ι,χχχνιι LXXXVII LXXXVIII LXXXIX xc ACCOMrANYING PAPERS Myths of the Cherokee, by James Mooney ...-----................-.... 3-548 Index to Part 1 ................. i.... ................................ 549-576* Tusayan Migration Traditions, by Jesse Walter Fewkes ................. 573-634 Localization of Tusayan Clans, by Cosmos Mindeleff . ................... 635-653 Mounds in Northern Honduras, by Thomas Gann ...................... 655-692 Mayan Calendar Systems, by Cyrus Thomas. ........................... 693-819 Primitive Numbers, by W J McGee ................................... 821-851 Numeral Systems of Mexico and Central America, by Cyrus Thomas. . . . . 853-955 Tusayan Flute and Snake Ceremonies, by Jesse Walter Fewkes. ......... 957-101 1 The Wild Rice Gatherers of the Upper Lakes, by Albert Ernest Jenks . . . 1013-1137 Index to Part 2 ...................................................... 1 139-1160 ILLUSTRATIONS Withinthekiva— — — — — —— — — — — — — - — - — — Frontispiece Myths of the Cherokee ...........— . — — — — — "ates i-xxvm; Figures 1-3 Mounds in northern Honduras .............. — .- Plates xxix-xxxix ; Figures 4-7 Mayan calendar systems .....-..-------- ---------- Platee XL-XUV; Figures 8-22 Numeral systems of Mexico and Central America ................... Figures 23-41 Tnsayaii flute and snake ceremony.....- — ----- Platea XLV-LXV; Figures 42-46 The wild rice gatherers of the upper lakes ....... Plates LXVI-LXXIX; Figures 47-48 VII REPOET OF THE DIRECTOR I o^ NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY By J. W. POWELL, Director INTRODUCTION Ethnologic researches have been conducted during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1898, in accordance with the act of Congress making provision "for continuing researches relating to the American Indians, under the direction of the Smithsoiiian Institution," approved June 4, 1897. The work has been carried forward in accordance with a plan of operations submitted on June 1.4, 1897. The field operations of the Director ami the collaborators have extended into Arizona, Chihuahua, Coahuila, Indian Territory, Maine, New Brauswick, New Mexico, New York, Oklahoma, Ontario, 'and Texas, while special agents have conducted operations in Alaska, Argentina, British Columbia, California, Chile, Green land, Oregon, Wisconsin, and Washington state. The office work has included the collection of material from Indian tribes in Arizona, Idaho, Indian Territory, Kentucky, Minnesota, Montana, Nebraska, North Dakota, New York, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania, South Dakota, and Texas. The researches in the office have dealt with material from nearly all of the states and from other portions of the American continent. The organization of the work has. grown out of a classifica tion of ethnic science based on the researches of the Bureau. \ ,'ίρ. âf~ \ XII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY It is worthy of note that, while the science of man has advanced rapidly during the last twenty years through the efforts of able investigators in different countries, the advance has been particularly rapid in the United States. No small part of this advance must be ascribed to the farsighted gov ernmental policy of maintaining researches among the abo riginal tribes of the American continents, yet a part of the progress would seem to be due to the wide range in ethnic phenomena with which American students are favored. The investigator in this country may easily come in contact with representatives of every race and of every important strain of blood; at the same time he may study every important grade in culture, from the savagery of some of the Indian tribes, through the barbarism of others, up to the civilization and enlightenment represented by the greater part of our pop ulation. Among the consequences of this favorable condi tion for study have been the stimulation of observation and the encouragement of strictly scientific methods of research. Another result is found in the amassing of trustworthy data, in unequaled amount, for comparative study. The general result is expressed in extension and refinement of ethnic science, and to some degree in the application of ethnology to practical affairs. The systemization of the science resulting from considera tion of its subject-matter as exhibited in the operations of the Bureau was set forth somewhat fully in the last report, and the same system is followed in the present report. The science for which the Bureau was organized under the act of Congress treats but slightly of the somatic characteristics of the native tribes of America; the researches extend rather over those char acteristics exhibited by men in the tribal state as they are por trayed in cultural elements. These elements of character arise in the methods pursued by the tribesmen for the purpose of securing pleasure, welfare, justice, expression, and opinion; these pursuits involve activities which are esthetic, industrial, governmental, linguistic, and educational, and the activities give rise to the sciences of esthetology, technology, sociology, philology, and sophiology. ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XIII FIELD RESEARCH AND EXPLORATION At the beginning of the fiscal year the Director was engaged in an examination of certain shell mounds on the coast of Maine recounoitered during the preceding season. Limited collections were made, and the associations were noted with care and compared with those characteristic of the Indians still liv ing in the vicinity. The work resulted in the complete iden tification of the mound-builders with the tribes found on the same coast by white men early iii the settlement of this country. During July Mr F. W. Hodge repaired to Arizona, joining Dr Fewkes during the excavation of the ruins near Snowflake, south of Holbrook, and later accompanying him to Tusayan for the purpose of gaining further insight into the summer ceremonies of the Hopi Indians and additional knowledge of the ruins of their former villages. Leaving Dr Fewkes and his party late in August, he visited the remarkable, but little known, ruins on the mesas surrounding Cebollita valley, about 35 miles south of Grant, New Mexico, making photographs of noteworthy features and ground plans of some of the more interesting structures. After spending several days in this work, Mr Hodge visited the pueblos of Laguna and Acoma, witnessing at the latter village the interesting Fiesta de San Estevaii, and on September 3 he proceeded with his party to the widely known Mesa Encantada, some three miles from Acoma, the traditional home of the Indians of the pueblo during prehistoric times. The precipitous height was climbed, the night was spent on the summit, and after carefully examining its entire surface Mr Hodge succeeded in finding traces of Indian occupancy at a remote period. He also found traces of an ancient pathway leading toward the summit and quantities of prehistoric ware in the talus, to which it had evidently been washed from the summit of the mesa; accordingly, he was able to substantiate the essential features of an Acoma tradition. The beginning of the year found Dr J. Walter Fewkes occupied in collecting aboriginal material from a prehistoric rum known as Kintiel, or Pueblo Grande, located on an upper wash of the Colorado Chiquito, between Navaho station and Ganado, in eastern central Arizona. Situated midway XIV BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY o« between the Tusayan and Zum groups of pueblos, this ruin has for a number of years been a problem to investigators in this field; but the researches of Dr Fewkes show quite conclusively that the art remains unearthed resemble more closely those of Halona, Heshotauthla, and other ancient Zuñi villages than those of the prehistoric pueblos of Tusayan. Excavations were conducted in the cemetries, as well as in the ruin of the village, and in each an interesting· collection of pottery and of bone and stone implements was unearthed. Fully satisfied with the results at this point, Dr Fewkes returned to the railroad, and from Holbrook proceeded to the vicinity of Pinedale, near the northern border of the White Mountain Apache reservation, where another interesting col lection of objects was made. Although the ruins from which they were recovered are more remote from the present Tusa yan villages than are those of Kiutiel, they are more closely similar in form and in symbolic decoration to ancient Tusayau art products than are the specimens obtained from the latter place. Excavations were next conducted in some interesting ruins about four miles west of Snowflake, which, like those of Pine- dale, were hitherto unknown to archaeologists. Researches at this point extended over a period of a fortnight, being con ducted both in the house ruins and in the cemeteries north and southwest thereof. An unusually large collection of fictile ware, as well as a very interesting but smaller collection ot bone, stone, and shell objects, was here obtained. By the middle of August Dr Fewkes returned with his party to Hol brook and proceeded thence to the Tusayan villages, where he made observations supplementary to those conducted in pre vious years in connection with the Snake dance and related ceremonies. During September Dr Fewkes visited that part of the upper Gila valley called Pueblo Viejo, and examined certain ruins in that region which were discovered and described by Emory and Johnstoii in 1846. He conducted archaeological work in mounds near Solomoiiville and San José de Pueblo Viejo, and collected several hundred objects from these localities. These ruins were found to bear close architectural resemblance to ADMINISTBATIVE BEPORT XV those near Phoenix and Tempe, and to indicate adobe houses with walls supported by logs and stones, clustered about a central building which served for protection or for ceremonial purposes. Pottery and other objects from these ruins were found to be identical with those from near Casa Grande. It was discovered that the ancient people of this valley some times buried their dead in their houses, but that the larger number were cremated. The calcined houses and ashes of the latter were placed in decorated jara and buried in pyral mounds. Remains of extensive prehistoric irrigating ditches, reservoirs, and terraced gardens show that the valley was extensively farmed in ancient times, and the large number of ruined houses indicate an extensive population. An instructive collection of potteiy, beads, shells, and sacrificial objects was obtained from a cave in the mountains north of Pueblo Viejo. During a part of his field season Dr Fewkes had the coopera tion of Mr F. W. Hodge, and during the entire summer the assistance of Dr Walter Hough, of the United States National Museum. The researches of Dr Fewkes conducted during this summer were remarkably successful, both in the extent and value of the collections acquired and in the archaeologic and ethnologic data recorded. Toward the end of September Mr James Mooiiey took the field in New Mexico, Texas, and contiguous Mexican states, for the purpose of collecting, among various tribes, information additional to that obtained among the Kiowa and Kiowa- Apache of Oklahoma concerning the primitive rites in which peyote (more popularly known as "mescal") is used as a nar cotic and stimulant. Incidentally to this work, Mr Mooiiey made a brief visit to a series of interesting pueblo ruins, attributed to the neighboring Tewa Indians, 011 a mesa 12 miles west of Española, above Santa Fe, 011 the Rio Grande, in New Mexico. These remains are of considerable local repute, but thus far they have not been seriously excavated. The Jicarilla Apache, numbering 850, 011 a reservation in northern New Mexico, were the next object of Mr Mooney's attention. This tribe formerly roamed over the section east of the mountains of New Mexico, 011 the headwaters of Arkansas and Canadian rivers, but affiliated with the Ute rather than XVI BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY witli tlie Plains tribes. It was found that they knew of peyote only through temporary association with the Mescalero a few years ago, when the two tribes were for a time on one reserva tion. The Mescalero Apache, numbering 450, on a reservation in southeastern New Mexico, were next visited. These Indians, whose popular name is derived from their use of the "mescal" or peyote, are regarded by the Plains tribes as mas ters in all that concerns the plant; but from information received through their best informants, as well as from actually witnessing the ceremony, Mr Mooney found the rite to be declining among them, largely through the difficulty of pro curing the plant in their isolated condition, as it requires five days' journey on horseback to obtain a supply. Mr Mooney discovered a number of Lipan and a few Kiowa-Apache Indians living with the Mescalero. The Lipan were a predatory tribe of eastern Texas, and were almost exterminated some thirty years ago on account of their raiding propensities against both Texas and Mexico. Of the remnant a few are incorpo rated with the Tonkawa, a few joined the Mescalero and Kiowa-Apache, while others, probably the larger number, fled to Santa Rosa mountains, in northern Mexico, where they still live. Mr Mooney obtained through the Lipan further infor mation in regard to several Texan tribes, including the Karan- kawa and Tonkawa, of whom little has been known; and from _ them also definite information was obtained in regard to the use of peyote among the Tarahumari of Mexico. Having completed his investigations among the tribes of New Mexico in the early part of December, Mr Mooney devoted attention to the remnants of the Piro, Tiwa, Suma, and Manso tribes on the Rio Grande below El Paso, in both Texas and Chihuahua. These Indians, now practically Mexi- canized, are the descendants of a large number of natives who were taken by Governor Otermin on his retreat from Santa Fe to El Paso, and settled at their present location during the Pueblo rebellion in 1680. He obtained valuable information in regard to the former status of these people and conducted also some linguistic researches, to which reference will later be made. ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XVII Mr Mooney next proceeded to the mountain country of Texas, southeast of El Paso, for the purpose of locating the peyote, from information given by the Mescalero. Two or more varieties of the plant were found in this section, oil both sides of the Rio Grande. In January Mr Mooney continued southward to the Tarahumari country in quest of additional information concerning the lites and customs of that tribe of which peyote forms the feature. The Tarahumari form one of the most populous tribes in North America, their number being variously estimated at from 50,000 to 80,000. They occupy nearly the whole mountain region of the state of Chihuahua. They perform a number of interesting ceremonies in which peyote plays an important role. Indeed, the plant is a prominent part of the medicine man's stock in trad,e, rather than something used by the tribe at large, as among the Kiowa and associated tribes to the northward. Several varieties of peyote are recognized by the Tarahumari, who procure the plant chiefly about Santa Rosalia, in southeastern Chihuahua. Information concerning the ceremonial use of peyote by the neighboring Tepehuaii tribes was likewise gained, and the southernmost limit of its use in Mexico was also determined. Aside from his researches in this interesting subject, Mr Mooney made an examination of some large burial caves near Aguas Calientes, about 200 miles southwest of Chihuahua city. Although the principal one of these caves had been excavated by residents, in the hope of finding buried treasure, and their contents thereby disturbed, Mr Mooney succeeded in recov ering a well-preserved mummy with its original wrappings of matting and native cloth and the accompanying food and water vessels, which have been deposited in the National Museum. These and kindred, observations tlirow much light on the little- known mortuary customs of the region. During August and September Dr Albert S. Gatschet was occupied in linguistic researches begun during the preceding year among the Algonquian tribes in Maine and contiguous parts of New Brunswick. His work resulted in the enrich ment of his vocabularies, and in the preparation of numerous « 19 ΕΤΗ—01- -II XVIII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY texts which are especially valuable not only as indices of lin guistic structure but as records of tribal history, customs, social organization, and beliefs. Mr J. N. 13. Hewitt spent the autumn in the field in northern New York and neighboring parts of Ontario, collecting lin guistic and sociologie data required for the full comparative study of the Iroquoian tribes. He was also able to obtain new and valuable additions to the series of creation myths for which these Indians are notable, and through which their names have become extensively incorporated in the literature of the world. on November 4, 1897, Mr J. B. Hatcher, of Princeton Uni versity, who was about to sail for Argentina, was specially com missioned to make collections among the Indian tribes of South America; and to ward the end of the fiscal year he sent his first shipment of material, representing the natives of Patagonia, whose characteristics have attracted attention for centuries. On January 11, 1898, Mr Gerard Fowke was employed tem porarily to make archseologic surveys and excavations in an interesting locality in Kentucky. These excavations were par ticularly successful, yielding a considerable quantity of valua ble material, which has been forwarded to Washington. Shortly before the opening of the fiscal year Dr Robert Stein, attached to Lieutenant R. E. Peary's Arctic expedition for the purpose of exploring a little-known stretch of the coast of western Greenland, was commissioned to make archéologie researches and collections. He was landed on August 10,1897, and remained until September 1, when he was taken up by Lieutenant Peary on his return trip. During Dr Stein's stay on a part of the coast not now inhabited, he discovered abun dant traces of ancient habitation by the Eskimo, and collected a quantity of soinatologic and other material. The objective material collected during these explorations has been placed in the National Museum ; portions of the new data have been added to the archives, but the greater part are incorporated in memoirs now in preparation or completed for publication, as is indicated in other paragraphs. The scientific results of the work are summarized in the following pages. XIX ADMINISTRATIVE KEPÓET. OFFICE RESEARCH WORK IN ESTHETOLOOT Mr Frank Hamilton Gushing has continued the study and arrangement of his collections of aboriginal handiwork from western Florida, and has made progress in the preparation of a report on the prehistoric key-dwellers of the eastern shore of Gulf of Mexico. During the greater part of the year the collections were kept in the Museum of Archœology of the University of Pennsylvania, where they were shipped on account of the inadequate space then afforded by the National Museum for unpacking and assembling; toward the end of the fiscal year, as the capacity of the Museum was increased by the introduction of galleries, the greater part of the col lection was brought to Washington and arranged in cases and on tables for purposes of comparison and study. In the course of his work Mr Gushing has made extensive comparisons between his specimens and those obtained by other archaeolo gists from different portions of the United States, and the comparative studies are highly significant. The Florida col lections are rendered exceptionally valuable by reason of the large number of specimens made from and decorated with animal and vegetal substances, which are ordinarily perish able, though preserved in high perfection in the muck beds associated with the Florida Keys. Accordingly, the material serves better than any other collection thus far made to con nect the records of the early explorers with the observations of later times; at the same time it serves to round out knowl edge concerning the pre-Columbian handiwork of the Indians in all of the softer, more flexible, and more easily destructible substances, and, accordingly, permits comparison of designs wrought in a wide range of materials. Dr J. Walter Fewkes has continued the preparation of reports on his archgeologic researches in Arizona and New Mexico. These researches were undertaken primarily for the purpose of enriching the collections of aboriginal art products in the National Museum. The large collections embrace a re markably complete series of primitive designs and motives in XX BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXI / \ \ l 4 fictile ware, including the adaptation of mythologie, animal, bird and feather, insect, and reptilian figures. Many of these are so highly conventionized that they would have been practically uninterpretable without the knowledge of Tusayan mythologie and sociologie concepts which Dr Fewkes fortunately pos sesses, and by means of which he has been enabled to make substantial contributions to knowledge of the development of artistic concepts. The results of his work are incorporated in two memoirs for publication, respectively, in the seventeenth and twentieth annual reports. In connection with other researches, and with administrative duties in the office as Ethnologist in Charge, Mr W J McGee has made inquiries from delegations of Indians visiting Wash ington concerning the symbolic use of feathers, especially in connection with headdresses. It is well known to students that the use of feathers, which at first sight would seem to be deco rative merely, is essentially symbolic; but the meanings of the symbols have not been ascertained hitherto, save casually and among a few tribes. During the year the feather symbolism of the Poiika and Ojibwa tribes has been discovered and recorded with tolerable completeness. WORK IN TECHNOLOGY Arts and industries are correlative factors in human progress, and the lines of conceptual development traced through the study of art motives elucidate the growth of industrial devices. Accordingly., the work of the collaborators in connection with art motives has contributed both directly and indirectly to aboriginal technology. During the year special attention was given to lines of technical development, as indicated in previ ous reports, and to the acquisition of material for study and preservation in the Museum. Especially valuable is the Steiner collection, from the mounds of Etowah valley, Geor gia. It comprises 3,215 specimens of stone implements, earth enware, and symbolic and decorative objects of copper, shell, and stone. ( The Indians of this district, builders of the great Etowah mound and other monuments, were peculiarly fertile in artistic and industrial devices. In this, region the progres sive tribes of the Siouan stock, the vigorous Clierokee, one or more of the wide-ranging Algonquiaii tribes, the little-known Yuchi, and some of the Muskhogean tribes came in frequent contact, while the influence of the arts and industries of the key-dwellers of Florida was constantly felt. Here, as else where, ideas and ideals were stimulated by contact, whether peaceful or not; and the devices representing the rapidly growing concepts are especially significant and useful in trac ing the course of industrial development among the aboriginal tribes. Another noteworthy acquisition is the Morris collec tion from Arkansas, comprising 181 pieces of pottery, together with a number of stone implements and other objects. The collection is especially valuable as an illustration of types of pottery hitherto rare or unknown. The most important acqui sition of archseologic objects procured during the year is com prised in the collections made by Dr J. Walter Fewkes from the ruins of Kintiel, Pinedale, Fourmile, Solomoiiville, and other ancient sites in eastern and southern Arizona and south western New Mexico, an elaborate report on which is now being prepared. Like the collections obtained at Sikyatki, Awatobi, and Other Tusayan ruins, these include fictile and textile products, stone, bone, and wooden implements, and objects of shell and stqiie used for personal adornment. In symbolic decorative features the mortuary food and water ves sels, as well as many of the utensils recovered from the houses, are exceedingly rich. The collections have been deposited in the National Museum. The process of culture in all the five departments is by invention and acculturation. The invention is at first individ ual, but when an invention is accepted and used by others it is accultural, and the invention of the individual may be added to the invention of others, so that it may be the invention of many men. Objects may be used without designed modifica tion, or they may be designedly modified for a purpose; the use of objects without designed modification, like the Seri stone implements, has been studied by Mr McGee, and he calls such unmodified implements protolithic, while the mod ified stone implements he calls technolithic. The two phases are widely distinct, not only in type of object, but even more in the mental operations exemplified by the objects; for the XXII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY protolithic objects represent undesigned adaptation and modi fication, as of cobbles picked up at random, while the others represent designed shaping in accordance with preconceived ideals, as of chipped arrowpoints. The coexistence of these incongruous types among the Sen seemed puzzling at the outset, but was provisionally ascribed to the difference in occupation between the sexes, the women using the protolithic implements, and the warriors making and using the technolithic weapons. Further study showed that the objects of chipped stone imitate in every essential respect the aboriginal weapons of the hereditary enemies of the Seri, including the Papago and Yaki, and this fact, coupled with the mysticism thrown around the stone arrowpoints by the Seri shamans (most of whom are aged matrons), indicated that the idea of the tech- nolithic weapon was acquired through warfare. Examination of other characteristics of the Seri in the light of this interpre tation served to explain various puzzling features and at the same time established the validity of the interpretation. The Seri have been at war with alien tribes almost constantly since the time of Columbus, and indeed long before, as is indicated by archseologic evidence. Most of their arts and industries are exceedingly primitive; yet here and there features imitating those characteristic of neighboring tribes, or even of white men, are found. Thus they substitute cast-off rags and fabrics obtained by plunder for their own fabrics, wrought with great labor from inferior fibers; since the adjacent waters have been navigated, they have learned to collect flotsam and use tattered sailcloth in lieu of pelican-skin blankets, cask staves in lieu of shells as paddles for their balsas, hoop iron in lieu of charred hardwood as arrowpoints for hunting, and iron spikes in lieu of bone harpoons for taking turtles; and almost without exception these modifications in custom have arisen without amicable relation, and despite—indeed, largely by reason of—deep-seated enmity against the alien peoples. WOKE IN SOCIOLOGY In sociology Mr McGee has observed some interesting facts which shed light on that form of development of institutions among the tribes of America which he calls piratical accultu- ADMINISTKATIVE KEPOKT. XXIII ration—spreading from one unfriendly tribe to another.1 The Apache and Papago tribes have been bitterly inimical from time immemorial, the oldest creation legends of the Papago describing the separation of the peoples in the beginning; yet there is hardly a custom among the latter which has not been shaped partially or completely by the inimical tribe. The habitat of the Papago in the hard desert is that to which they have been forced by the predatory Apache; the indus tries of the Papago are shaped by the conditions of the habitat and by the perpetual anticipation of attack. The traditions recounted by the old men are chiefly of battle against the Apache; even the ceremonies and beliefs are connected with that eternal vigilance which they have found the price of safety, and with the wiles and devices of the ever-present enemy. Perhaps the most important element in the accultu ration is that connected witli belief; for to the primitive mind the efficiency of a weapon is not mechanical but mystical (an expression of superphysical potency), and each enemy strives constantly to coax or suborn the beast-gods and potencies of the other; so the Papago warrior went confidently to battle against the Apache when protected by a charm or fetish including an Apache arrowpoint taken in conflict, and felt assured of victory if his war club was made in imitation of that of the enemy and potentialized by a plume or inscription appealing to the Apache deity. Even later in the scale of development, after the piratical acculturation has become meas urably amicable, this factor remains strong, as among the clans of.the Kwakiutl and some other tribes in which the aim of marriage settlement is the acquisition, not of property or kin dred per se, but of deities and traditions concerning them. The general law of piratical acculturation finds innumerable examples among the more primitive peoples of the world, and phases of it have been recognized in the proposition that con quering tribes take the language of the conquered. Other phases have been perceived, e. g., in the hypothesis of primi tive "marriage by capture." Various earlier students have noted that actual or ceremonial capture of the bride is a part 1A preliminary announcement of this work appears in the American Anthropolo gist, vol. xi, 1898, pp. 244-249. ^ \ XXIV BÜEEAÜ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY of marriage among certain tribes, and have assumed that this was the initial form of mating among primitive peoples: later researches have shown that, in the lowest of the four great cul ture stages, mating is regulated by the females and their male coiisanguiiieal kindred, so that marriage by capture of brides can not occur; yet there is a step early in the stage of pater nal organization in which a certain form of marriage by cap ture has arisen in America, and may easily have become prominent on other continents. When tribes are in that unsta ble condition of amity resulting in peaceful interludes between periods of strife—a stage characteristic of savagery and much of barbarism—the intertribal association frequently results in irregular matches between members of the alien tribes; com monly such mating is punished by one or both tribes, though among many peoples there are special regulations under which the offense may be condoned—e. g., the groom may be sub jected to fine, to running the gauntlet, to ostracism until chil dren are born, etc. Yet while both bride'and groom incur displeasure and even risk of life through such matches, there is a chance of attendant advantage which may counterbalance the risk; for it frequently happens that the groom, especially if of the weaker tribe, eventually gains the amity and support of liis wife's kinsmen, while in some cases the eldermeri and elderwomeii of one or both tribes recognize the desirability of a coalition which can tend only to unite the deities of both, and so benefit each in greater-or lesser measure. Researches among the American aborigines have already shown that, so far as this continent is concerned, exogamy and endogamy are correlative, the former referring to the clan and the latter to die tribe or other group; they have also shown that the limi tations of exogamy and the extension of endogamy are inge nious devices for promoting peace; and it is now becoming clear that intertribal marriage, whether by mutually arranged elopement or by capture of the bride, may be a means of extending endogamy and uniting aliens, and thereby of rais ing acculturation from the piratical plane to that of amicable interchange. The applications of the law of piratical accultura tion are innumerable. In the light of the law it becomes easy to understand how inimical tribes are gradually brought to use ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXV similar weapons and implements, to adopt similar modes of thinking and working, to worship similar deities, and thus to be brought from complete dissonance to potential harmony whensoever the exigency of primitive life may serve ; and thus the course of that convergent development, which is the most important lesson the American aborigines have given to the world, is made clear. Some idea may be formed, also, of the history of piratical acculturation. WORK IN PHILOLOGY Dr Albert S. Gatschet has continued the preparation of a comparative vocabulary of Algouquian dialects, making satis factory progress. The Algonquian linguistic stock was the most extensive of North America, both in the number of dia lects and in the area occupied by the tribes using them. For this and other reasons the stock has been a source of much labor among philologists, and there has been considerable diversity of opinion as to its classification. One of the tasks undertaken by the Bureau early in its history was the review of Algonquian linguistic material for the purpose of formu lating a definite and satisfactory classification. Many vocabu laries have been collected and compared; to aid in the deter mination of affinities, grammatic material has also been obtained in considerable volume ; and still further to elucidate relations, a body of records of myths and ceremonies has been accumulated. The lexic, grammatic, and mythologie records of the Algonquian stock collected by collaborators of the Bureau and obtained from correspondents form several hun dred manuscripts ; and it is from this voluminous material that the comparative vocabulary is compiled. In addition to this routine work on the vocabulary, Dr Gatschet has from time to time prepared linguistic material for use in answering inquiries of numerous correspondents. Mr J. N. B. Hewitt has continued the study of the Iroquoian languages during the year. As has been noted in former reports, he has also carried forward a general study of the pro noun as used in primitive tongues, with a view to the prepara tion of a memoir on linguistic development. Partly as a means XXVI BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXVII \ / \ \ \ ê to this end, partly because of the inherent interest of the subject, he has undertaken a comparative study of the creation myths of the Iroquoiaii and some other tribes. During the later portion of the year the greater part of his time has been devoted to this study, with highly satisfactory results. During his operations among the Mescalero and Jicarilla Apache tribes of New Mexico, mainly for the purpose of gain ing knowledge concerning the ceremonial use of the peyote among those people, as recorded in previous paragraphs, Mi- James Mooney seized the opportunity of obtaining vocabula ries for comparison with cognate dialects, together with the genesis myths. The Mescalero and Jicarilla dialects are prac tically the same, and the cosmogony of the two tribes is also nearly identical, although they were generally at war with each other, the Mescalero cooperating with the Plains tribes "while the Jicarilla were allies of the Ute. Owing to the fact that the Lipan were nearly exterminated a generation ago, and by reason of the isolation of the surviving remnants, doubt has been expressed as to their true affinity; but from a vocabulary obtained by Mr Mooney from members of this tribe associated with the Mescalero on their reservation, it is now known that they speak a well-defined Athapascan dialect. Such linguistic researches as the present meager knowledge of their language would permit were also conducted by Mr Mooney among the modified Tiwa and Piro Indians on the Rio Grande below El Paso. Returning from the field for the purpose of revising proofs of a memoir on the Calendar History of the Kiowa Indians, in course of composition as a part of the seventeenth annual report, Mr. Mooney remained in the office during the last quarter of the year, occupied, in the intervals of proof reading, by the translation and arrangement of a large collec tion of Cherokee myths recorded in the original syllabary as well as in the English. Satisfactory progress was made in pre paring the material for publication. · During the later part of the year the researches in Indian sign language, which were brought to a close by the death of Colonel Mallery in 1894, were resumed through the collabora tion of Captain, now Colonel, Hugh L. Scott, U. S. A. Colonel Scott was stationed for some years on the frontier, where he was in constant contact with various Indian tribes, including the plains Indians, among whom the sign language was highly developed. Early in his stay he became interested in the signs and began acquiring this interesting art of expression, and his studies continued until he became proficient and able to use the sign language habitually in communicating with various tribes. His knowledge of the system is undoubtedly superior to that of any other white man, and his acquaintance with individual signs exceeds that of any Indian with whom he has come in contact. During the winter Captain Scott was trans ferred to Washington, and through the courtesy of the Secre tary of War and the Commanding General of the Army he was authorized to take up the record and discussion of sign language under the direction of the Bureau. Considerable progress had been made in the work when it was interrupted by conditions connected with the war with Spain. - WORK IN SOPHIOLOGY The Director continued the development of a system of clas sification designed to indicate the place of the American abo rigines among the peoples of the earth. During the later part of the year he took up the voluminous material in the Bureau archives relating to aboriginal mythology. While in charge of the United States Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocky .Mountain region, before the Bureau was instituted, the Director began the collection of .myths among the Indians of the territories, and when the Bureau was created this mate rial, in connection with a body of linguistic manuscripts obtained by the Smithsonian Institution, formed the original archives. Additional material was collected from time to time by the Director and by several of the collaborators, and there are now some hundreds of manuscript records ready for study. Satis factory progress has been made in the preliminary arrangement of the manuscripts and in the extraction and classification of salient features in the primitive mythology prevailing among all of the native tribes before the advent of the white man. Mrs Matilda Coxe Stevenson has continued the final revision of her manuscript for a memoir on Zuñi ceremonies, designed for incorporation in an early report. Most of the chapters are Vi \ \ XXVIII BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY now complete, and nearly all of the illustrations are ready for reproduction. The Pueblo Indians well illustrate certain results of environment in the development of belief and ceremony. A harsh environment begets profound faith. This is illustrated by the history of many cults. The Pueblo region was a gather ing ground of primitive faiths, each fertilizing the others in accordance with the law already set forth, and each intensified by hard local conditions. The northern tribes, who furnished much of the blood of the Pueblo peoples, were pressed down from more humid regions and brought into conflict with alien warriors and with an arid habitat in which the specters of thirst and famine were ever present. The southern tribes, who furnished most of the culture of the Pueblos, were in part at least forced up toward the plateaus from the still more arid districts about the present national boundary into which they had fled as the excess of population from the more fertile dis tricts of pre-Columbian Mexico. All of the peoples were shadowed by the dangers of drought and by the hard labor required for the maintenance of existence; all were accustomed to invocations* for rain; all were accustomed to ceremonies connected with the growth of corn; all were accustomed to reverence of beast-gods, and all ascribed their preservation from ever-present danger to their success in propitiating the maleficent mysteries by which the}^ were surrounded—for that which is simply a hard natural condition to the advanced thinker is always a maleficent potency to the primitive thinker. All of the circumstances were such as to develop a profoundly devotional cast of mind among the Pueblo peoples; and their myths and ceremonies became so striking as to attract the attention of students throughout the world, as white men came in contact with them. Mrs Stevenson's researches concerning the myths and ceremonies have been exceptionally thorough, and the results now nearly ready for publication will form a substantial contribution to the knowledge of aboriginal mythology. DESCRIPTIVE ETHNOLOGY During the year the important work of compiling a Cyclo pedia of Indian Tribes of North America was continued by ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXIX Mr F. W. Hodge, with the assistance of Dr Cyrus Thomas, the former carrying forward the work in connection with other duties. Dr Thomas completed the preliminary arrangement of the material relating to the tribes of the Algonquian stock, submitting the material for editorial revision. He afterward took up the manuscript and literature relating to the tribes of the Siouan stock, and has made satisfactory progress in the arrangement of the material. COLLECTIONS A number of collections have been acquired during the year under the more immediate direction of the Secretary. Some of these are noted above ; in addition there have been acquired (1) a collection of Jamaican antiquities by MacCormack, including 160 specimens of ancient stone implements, earthen ware, etc., and 20 petaloid implements; (2) the Palmer collec tion of 98 ethnologic specimens from Mexico; and (3) the Gane collection of cliff-house relics, comprising fictile ware, bone implements, etc., from San Juan valley, Utah. In addi tion, the Muîiiz collection of trephined skulls, illustrated and described in the sixteenth annual report, was finally transferred to the Museum. A considerable number of separate objects and minor collections obtained by exchange for reports and by gift has also been turned over to the Museum during the year; among these was a Muskwaki hand-loom obtained by .Mr McGee for the express purpose of filling a hiatus in the national collection. PUBLICATION Satisfactory progress has been made by Mr Hodge in the revision of the proofs of the seventeenth and eighteenth annual reports and in the editorial work 011 the manuscript of the nine teenth annual report. The seventeenth report was transmitted to the Public Printer through the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution on July 6, 1897. In addition to the usual account of the operations of the Bureau the seventeenth annual report contains four memoirs, bearing the titles, The Seri Indians, by W J McGee; Calendar History of the Kiowa Indians, by James Mooney; Navaho Houses, by Cosmos Mindeleff, and XXX BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Archaeological Expedition to Arizona in 1895, by J. Walter Fewkes. The eighteenth annual report was transmitted to the Public Printer on March 11, 1898. It comprises, in addition to the report of operations for the fiscal year 1896-97, two papers entitled, respectively, The Eskimo about Bering Strait, by E W. Nelson, and Indian Laud Cessions in the United States, by C. C. Eoyce. Like the seventeenth report, this will appear in two volumes. The first galley proofs were received from the Public Printer in the latter part of June. BIBLIOGRAPHY As has been set forth in a previous report, the bibliography of the aboriginal languages of Mexico, which was left uncom pleted at the time of Mr Filling's death, has been continued through the generous services of Mr George Parker Winship, librarian of the John Carter Brown library at Providence, with the courteous permission of Mr John Nicholas Brown. The unusual facilities afforded by the excellent library under Mr Winship's care has enabled him to make marked progress with this work during the fiscal year; much, however, remains to be done ere the work will be ready for publication. LIBBARY The maintenance of the library has continued under the supervision of Mr Hodge, and the distribution of the publica tions of the Bureau has also been conducted under his direction. At the close of the last fiscal year, as is mentioned in the report covering that period, the volumes in the library numbered 7,138; to these 756 volumes have been added, making a total of 7,894 volumes at the close of the year. In addition several thousand pamphlets and scientific periodicals have been received. ILLUSTRATIONS The preparation of the illustrations, including the photo graphic work, was continued under the direction of Mr Wells M. Sawyer until March 17, 1898> when he resigned to accept another Federal appointment. From that time until the close ADMINISTRATIVE BEPOBT XXXI of the year the preparation of illustrations was conducted under the able supervision of Mr DeLancey W. Gill, of the United States Geological Survey, through the courtesy of Honorable Charles D. Walcott, Director of that bureau. During the year about 75 negatives and 610 photographic prints were made for purposes of illustration and exchange. The preservation and cataloguing of the Bureau's negatives have continued with the aid of Mr Henry Walther. PBOPERTY The property of the Bureau of American Ethnology is, with the exception of two or three items, small in amount and value. By far the most important and valuable property in the custody of the Bureau is the collection of manuscript records, represent ing a considerable part of the work of the collaborators and the contributions of correspondents during the last twenty years, as well as the collection originally acquired from the Smith- sonian Institution. The greater part of the manuscripts are lin guistic, and these are not in condition for publication, though invaluable for purposes of study and comparison. The entire collection, embracing more than 2,000 titles, is catalogued and arranged in fireproof vaults in the offices of the Bureau. A strict custody is maintained, under the immediate supervision of the director. A related class of property comprises photographs of Indian subjects. So far as is practicable, these are represented by original negatives with a systematic series of prints. The collection comprises about 5,000 negatives, with about 3,000 prints, including 800 prints from negatives which are riot in the possession of the Bureau. The collection is in constant use in connection with the preparation of illustrations for the reports; its custody is vested in the illustrator of the Bureau. Among the minor items the most important is the library, of 7,894 volumes and over 5,000 pamphlets, with plain wooden cases sufficient to'accommodate them. The greater part of the library represents the product of exchange, and in addition there is a fair collection of books of reference and standard works on ethnologic subjects obtained by purchase. The library is in immediate charge of Mr F. W. Hodge XXXII BUBEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY A class of property of some importance is the accumulated residue of publications. The greater part of the edition of the reports available for distribution by the Bureau is sent to ex changes and correspondents immediately on issue, but a lim ited number of copies of each edition remains for distribution in accordance with subsequent demands. The residue of the several editions not completely exhausted is kept under the supervision of Mr F. W. Hodge. The editions of most of the reports are exhausted ; the undistributed residue consists of about 4,300 volumes. A somewhat important class of property, though of limited value, is office furniture, with the requisite stationery for cur rent use, as well as photographic apparatus and material. The aggregate value of the furniture and apparatus is less than $2,500. The custody and use of furniture, apparatus, station ery, and other materials are regulated by a custodial system devised for the purpose, which has been found to work satis factorily. A considerable number of original engravings used for the illustration of reports are catalogued and arranged in cases in the office of the Bureau, while the original copy for illustra tions is also preserved, so far as is practicable, in charge of the illustrator. The stereotype plates from which the reports are printed are, from time to time, turned over to the Bureau by the Public Printer. These are stored partly in the Smithsoman building, partly in the basement of the building in which the office is located. Experience has shown that, under existing conditions, it is inexpedient to acquire field property in any considerable amount, since the cost of purchase and maintenance of ani mals, vehicles, and camp equipage exceeds the charges for hire ; accordingly, there is practically no field property in the possession of the Bureau. The collaborators engaged in field operations collect ethno logical material, in greater or less quantities; for purposes of study. All such material is transferred io the National Museum, and commonly its study is cam -. on within that building. ADMINISTBATIVE TREPOBT XXXIII During the last fiscal year satisfactory progress was made in enriching the manuscript collections, the series of photo graphs, and the collections of material objects for the Museum, as is indicated in other paragraphs. The aggregate expendi- tiu-es for stationery and laboratory supplies were Si,900 ; for furniture, 8750, and for the purchase of necessary books of reference and standard works, $850. The Bureau is domiciled in rented quarters, i. e., the sixth floor of the Adams Building, 1333-1335 F street, Washington. These quarters are limited, hardly meeting the requirements of the work. During the winter, when office work is in active progress, it is sometimes necessary for two or three collabo rators to work in private quarters, while some of the perma nent property (stereotype plates, etc.) of the Bureau is stored in the Smithsouian and National Museum buildings, and the publications are stored in and distributed from the basement of the building occupied by the United States Geological Survey, through the courtesy of the director, Honorable Charles D. Walcott. 19 ΕΤΗ—01- -ITI FINANCIAL STATEMENT Appropriation by Congress for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1898, "for continuing ethnological researches among the American Indians, under the direction of the Smithsonian Institution, including salaries or com pensation of all necessary employees, $45,000, of which sum not exceed ing $1,000 may be used for rent of building" (sundry civil act, June 4, 1897)...-.......----..----.--....-.--.-..--..-..---....----------- $45,000.00 Salaries or compensation for services........-..--.....---.- $32,330.57 Traveling and field expenses.................... $2, 750. 71 Drawings and illustrations .-.__-..__.---....-.. Office rental .__.._„__......................... Ethnic material (specimens, etc.)............... Office furniture................................ 805.30 999.96 482.22 400.. 90 Publications for library......................... 1,972.64 Stationery ..................................... 163.44 .Freight..................--...----.....-------.- 123.16 Temporary services............................. 1,526.09 Supplies........-..-....-----.-------------.-.- 1,126.23 Reports ....................................... 175.20 Miscellaneous.-....-------.-------.---.-------. 312.30 10,838.15 Total disbursements ........................................... 43,168. 72 Balance, July 1,1898, to meet outstanding liabilities.............. 1,831.28 xxxiv CHARACTERIZATION OF ACCOMPANYING PAPERS SUBJECTS TREATED Nine memoirs are appended to this report. The first of these is a comparative study of aboriginal mythology, illus trated by the myths of the Cherokee. The author, Mr Mooney, has spent several years in researches among the Cherokee and other tribes, and has amassed a large body of information con cerning their activities; and the accompanying memoir is one of a number in which the results are incorporated, two or three of these being nearly ready for publication. The second paper is a compilation of Tusayau migration traditions col lected and interpreted by Dr Fewkes; this, too, being one of a number of productions by its author, others of which are well advanced in preparation. To it the third paper, by Mr Mindeleff, is complementary. This author spent several years in researches in the Pueblo country, and his sketch of Tusayan migrations, with special reference to the localization of clans in the pueblos, represents one of the final products of his work. The fourth paper, treating of mounds in northern Honduras, is the contribution of a valued correspondent. It deals with a little-known region in which the archseologic record is of exceptional interest and such as to throw much light on the attributes of the ancient aborigines of various North American districts. The fifth and seventh papers together represent the results of long-continued researches in the Bureau, conducted by Dr Thomas; the former relating· to the highly interesting calendar systems of ancient Yucatan, and the latter to the numeral system of the Mexican and Central American tribes. Both are based largely on codices and other inscriptions, as well as on molded and sculptured glyphs, which during recent years have been made accessible to students through numerous XXXVI BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY reproductions. The.sixth paper is a general discussion of prim itive numbers and of the origin of numeral systems, by Mr McGee, prepared partly as an introduction to the more special paper by Dr Thomas. The eighth paper is another product of the researches in the pueblo region by Dr Fewkes. It represents a critical study of certain important ceremonies of Tusayan. The last paper is a detailed account of wild rice and the wild rice gatherers of the lake region, by Dr Albert Ernest Jenks, a special contributor to the Bureau. It sum marizes the results of extended researches in literature as'well as in the field. The distribution of the tribes treated in these papers is sufficiently broad to afford geographic perspective and give opportunity for tracing the causes and conditions of tribal diversity. Three of the papers find their subjects in the pueblo region and three others in that central portion of the continent whose aboriginal culture was long the marvel of the Old World, while one treats of a northern tribe, and Mr. Mooiiey's memoir deals with one of the most important tribes of the eastern woods. So one of the regions is typically tropical, another represents one of the most arid .portions of the temperate zone, while the third typifies the humid lands of the same zone. As a whole the papers deal chiefly, although not dispropor tionately, with the sophic activities of the aborigines, i. e., with their myths and beliefs and the ceremonies and other cus toms dependent thereon—for it is one of the lessons of ethnol ogy that among primitive folk the arts and industries, laws and languages are in great measure shaped by crude faith. The traditions of the Cherokee and the Tusayan well illustrate the dominance of mythology over the lowly mind of the abo rigine, the numeral and calendar systems tell a similar story, and the relics from Honduran mounds find significant paral lels among the votive objects employed in the ceremonies of Tusayan; while the signs and symbols of the several districts are shown in the general paper to betoken significant stages in the development of thought among the peoples of the world. The time range covered by the subjects is considerable. The Mayan calendars and the Honduran mounds represent ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT .. XXXVII pre-Columbian times ; the traditions of the pueblo region run back into the prehistoric, but come down to the present, and thus bridge the ancient and the modern, while the Cherokee myths and Tusayan ceremonies illustrate the exceeding per sistence of mythologies still surviving centuries of contact with Caucasian culture." The range in culture grade represented by the papers is also wide, stretching from the higher savag ery, marked by the retention of maternal organization, up to that higher barbarism, or incipient feudalism, reached by the city-building makers of the Mexican calendars. MYTHS OF THE CHEROKEE Since the times of earliest discovery and settlement along the southern Atlantic section the Cherokee Indians have been known as one of the largest and most noteworthy of our abo riginal tribes. They formed an important factor in both Eng lish and Spanish pioneering; they alone of the more northerly aborigines developed a definite system of writing in the form of Sequoya's syllabary; during colonial times the southern settlers were compelled to reckon with them; their presence exercised a potent influence on the policies of Revolution ary times; they were prominent in shaping our laws relating to Indian affairs; they played a role of no small moment dur ing the Civil war; and the portion of the tribe remaining in their original territory still retain aboriginal characteristics in remarkable degree. Yet, despite the historical importance of the tribe, they have, through a combination of circumstances, received comparatively slight consideration of literary and his torical character. It was largely by reason of their retention of aboriginal ideas and customs that the eastern Cherokee were selected for spe cial investigation; and it is largely by reason of the historical neglect of the tribe that it seemed well to introduce the publi cation of Mr Mooney's rich collections of ethnologic material with an extended historical sketch. The primary purpose of this sketch was to bring together in a form convenient for ref erence the chief events and episodes in the long-continued contact between Cherokee and Caucasian, and to indicate the \ / \ \ XXXVIII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY chief sources of information concerning the tribal develop ment; but as the work proceeded it was found desirable to verify doubtful and incomplete records by comparison with the tribal traditions, so that it became necessary to incorpo rate the traditional history of the tribe; and at the same time it was found desirable to rectify certain important misappre hensions, and even actual errors, connected with the people and the growth of knowledge concerning them. One of the more important rectifications relates to the route taken by De Soto-in his memorable journey, and this alone cost much research among rare original publications in Spanish, in addi tion to involving extended personal acquaintance with the ground. The several verifications and corrections will doubt less serve to render this sketch the most trustworthy as well as the most convenient outline of Cherokee history extant. Although the myths recited in the memoir are those of a single tribe, the method of study is comparative ; the Chero kee tribe is treated as a sophic type, and numerous parallels drawn from the author's personal knowledge as well as from the literature of the aborigines are introduced. One of the ends of research among the natives of the Western Hemisphere is the systemization of knowledge concerning aboriginal beliefs and their attendant ceremonies; and Mr Mooney's memoir forms a step in the progress toward that end. Mr Mooney's collection comprises an extensive series of the myths and traditions of the type tribe, cosmogonie, historical, interpretative, and trivial; for among the Cherokee, as among other primitive peoples, the traditions vary widely in character and purpose. The collections are peculiarly valuable in that they are so complete as to indicate the genesis and develop ment of the tribal traditions. It would appear that the parent myth usually begins as a trivial story or fable, perhaps carry ing a moral and thus introducing and fixing some precept for the guidance of conduct. The great majority of these fables drop out of the current lore within the generation in which they are born, but those chancing to touch the local life strongly or happening to glow with local genius survive and are handed down to later generations. The transmitted fables form a part ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXXIX of the lore repeated by the eldermen and elderwomen night after night, to while away the long evenings by the camp fire, and in this way they become impressed on the memory and imagination of the younger associates; for under the condi tions of prescriptorial life they come to take the place of learn ing and literature in the growing mind of the youth. In the successive repetitions the weaker fables are eliminated, while the more vigorous are gradually combined and eventually strung together in an order made definite by custom; at the same time they acquire sacredness with age, and some of them become so far esoteric that they may not be repeated by youths, or perhaps even by laymen, but they are the exclu sive property of sages or shamans. Now the-fable, per se, is seldom vigorous enough to pass unaided into the esoteric lore of the tribe; but when it serves to interpret some interesting natural phenomenon, either in its original form or in its subse quent association, it is thereby fertilized, and with the com bined vitality of fable and interpretation enjoys greatly increased chance of survival. Sometimes the historical ele ment is also added, when the composite intellectual structure is still further strengthened, and may persist until history blends with fancy-painted prehistory, and the story becomes a full-fledged cosmogonie myth. Accordingly, the character and the age of myths are correlated in significant fashion. TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS The most pressing and at the same time the most obscure problems presented to the archseologic student relate to the interpretation of relics. Different methods of solving these problems have been pursued by the students of various coun tries; but it is held that the method employed in the Bureau of American Ethnology, and now pretty generally adopted throughout the United States, is by far the most trustworthy of all—it is the method of interpretation in terms of the observed activities of cognate tribesmen still living. It is in pursuance of this method that Dr Fewkes has passed from a study of the abundant relics exhumed from ruins in the pueblo region to a study of the aboriginal inhabitants of neighboring XL· BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XLI \ villages; and his paper affords an excellent illustration of the combination of prehistoric tradition and observational data in the interpretation of relics, and thence in the tracing of unwritten history. In every stage of culture there is an unexpressed basis for knowledge of the kind usually conveyed by tradition or liter ature—a basis unstated merely because a commonplace of cur rent thought. In civilization the unexpressed basis comprises the existence of nations and cities, the recognition of church and state, etc; and no student would deem it worth while to demonstrate the existence of these commonly accepted things— they are mere matters of fact from the view-point of civiliza tion. Similarly, there are accepted commonplaces in barbarism and in savagery; and no barbarian or savage thinks of explain ing these in any descriptive account—they are too evident from his point of view to require statement, or even to receive appreciative thought. Yet when the representative of any culture grade seeks to understand the habits or history per taining to any other culture grade he finds it necessary to acquire the point of view pertaining to that culture grade ; and when he seeks to convey his knowledge to others of his own grade he finds it necessary to begin with the commonplaces of the other. So, in describing the migrations of a pueblo people, Dr Fewkes naturally and necessarily devotes large space to the distinctive social organization of their culture grade; for the migrations were made and are kept in mind wholly in terms of this organization, and would not be comprehensible either to the people themselves or to others unless described in these terms. The social organization of the Tusayau people is typ ical and well worthy of statement in itself; but the application of clanship in tracing tribal movements, and in elucidating and interpreting relics, gives a special significance to the clans and their relations. It has for some time been known that the pueblo peoples are highly composite; and Dr Fewkes's contribution marks a note worthy step toward knowledge of the antecedents of both peo ples and culture. LOCALIZATION OF TUSAYAN CLANS Just as Dr Fewkes found it necessary to define the Tusayarí clans with considerable fulness in order to explain the migra tions, so Mr Mincleleff found it needful to set forth the migra tions Of the tribe as a basis for the description of certain customs connected with the coiisaiiguineal organization charac teristic of primitive culture. The description is based on the observations of the late.A. M. Stephen, in 1883, supplemented by those of Mr Mindeleff, in 1888; and the account is com plemented in a useful way by the Fewkes records of 1899. Accordingly the observations of the three students at intervals covering nearly two decades combine in mutual corroboration, and at the same time serve to indicate the trend and rate of social change in Tusayan under the influences of modern contact. The chief value of Mr Mindeleff's paper lies in its demonstra tion of the persistence of clans from new data. It has long been recognized that in tribal society, comprising savagery and bar-x barism, the clan, or gens, is the dominant social institution, the very foundation of society; it is accordingly quite in keeping with current knowledge to find that in the mutations of migra tory life the clan outlasts the tribe, just as it outlives the indi vidual and the family; yet it is of no small interest to find that even in the settled life of the pueblos the clan bonds vie in strength with those of stone and adobe, and shape, more fre quently than they are shaped by, the building of cities. Accordingly the clan quarters of Tusayan fall into line with the features of "The Ancient City," as brought out by Fustel de Coulanges, and afford parallels with certain features of European and Asian towns developed in connection with guilds; yet special interest attaches to the Tusayan clan quar ters by reason of the primitiveness and simplicity of the rela tion between social law and inchoate municipal regulation. MOUNDS IN NORTHERN HONDURAS Accidents of settlement early in the century gave rise to the idea of a distinctive " mound region" in the Mississippi valley, \ lu x^ V^JT^ £ \ % Ί* \° ς \ / Λ £ / s ' /^· fâv*^ fsf^OKs Itfc/fîçr ΙΜΙ«Ή VÈ8Z »Β w^ Χ^τ \ \ \ Γ κ/ : / \ s ê / / * *Φ2· &&^ Ä V^, ίΐ \ t> III!!! ll«> XLII BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY and to the correlative idea that aboriginal mounds and earth works were confined to that region; and although the researches of a quarter-century have shown that ancient mounds are scattered over the entire habitable portions of North America, the original idea is kept, alive to an injurious 'extent by the early literature. The still-existing need for counteracting this erroneous impression led to the acceptance of Dr Grann's paper and the approval of. his title. Actually the mounds of Honduras as described by Dr Grann are more nearly analogous to those of the pueblo region and of Mexico than to those of the Mississippi valley, for most of them are débris heaps entombing ruined structures of stone and other durable material, like the former, rather than sites of perish able houses or simple tumuli, like the latter—though some of the Honduran mounds partake of the character of the more northerly tumuli. The contents of the mounds as described and illustrated in the accompanying pages and plates are noteworthy in that they demonstrate the extension of a culture corresponding fairly with that of Mexico into a little-known region. The relics are especially significant as connecting links between different archseologic districts; the molded and painted stucco- work resembles that of Yucatan, the fictile figurines resemble those of the pueblo country, while both symbolic and indus trial devices are evidently akin to those of numerous native tribes throughout the southwestern third, at least, of North America. MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS No production of aboriginal American culture has attracted more attention among the scholars of the world than the cal endar systems of Mexico, Yucatan, Peru, and certain other districts; and numerous, and often voluminous, publications have been based on these interesting productions. Several contributions to the subject have been issued in the reports and other publications of the Bureau; and, in view of the recent appearance of extended treatises on the subject, a review of some of the more salient points seems timely. Such a ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XLIII review has been prepared by Dr Thomas, a student of aborig inal calendars during many years. The discussion extends not only to the inscriptions of the codices, but to other Mayan records, and also to the time systems of both the Mayan and Nahuatlan peoples; and full use is made throughout of the numeral systems tabulated and analyzed in a later paper. As is elsewhere noted, recent researches have shown that in primitive life the symbolism of a given stage frequently passes into the conventionism of the next stage; sometimes the pas sage is so complete that the original symbolism may be lost, yet in other cases the transitional steps may be traced through researches among cognate, albeit remote, peoples. Now, it is significant that various germs, or germinal types, of caleiiclric systems are found in different portions of North America; a well-known type is the "winter count" or annual record of a person or family among the plains tribes; another germ is found in the solstitial ceremonies of the pueblo peoples, which denote clear recognition of a seasonal turning point; and it is of no small interest to find that the germinal types are com bined in such comprehensive calendars as those incorporated in the Mayan inscriptions, so that the symbolism of the north explains the conventionism of the south. Such solstitial cere monies as those of the Pueblos are especially instructive, for they at once attest the fundamental importance of the symbolic factors and explain the high degree of accuracy attained in the. determination of the year—the Hopi winter ceremony, for example, being fixed by a simple observation on the setting sun behind a distant sierra, which would in itself permit a count of year-days, if not the recognition of the bissextile. PRIMITIVE NUMBERS Recognition of the human activities as the basis of ethnic classification has opened, the way to a fuller comprehension of the characteristics and capabilities of both primitive and advanced peoples; and through this fuller comprehension it has been made clear that the essential and distinctive attri butes of mankind are fundamentally intellectual. Accord ingly the activities are properly viewed as the reflection and ¡ ι XLIV BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY measure of mind, conditioned by circumstances of surround ings or environment to which man adjusts himself not so much by biotic survival as by intelligent effort; and, concordantly, the sources of the activities are to be traced through the habitual mental operations of primitive men. It was with this view that Mr McGee undertook to trace the origin of counting devices, and through them the beginnings of numerical con cepts. The data derived from various primitive peoples seem to indicate clearly that numerical concepts originally crystal lize with exceeding slowness, at first about practical customs and later about symbols of ceremonial or ritualistic character; and that throughout the subsequent development symbol and function (i. e., notation and numeration) grow up together. It also seems clear from the data that the earliest symbols, with the concomitant methods of counting, antedated the custom of counting on the fingers; but that after the finger-count was adopted it aided greatly in the development of numeral systems on quinary, decimal, and vigesimal bases. It is of no small significance that various vestiges of primitive counting and number systems still survive among modern peoples, even in the most advanced culture. Mr McGee's writing was designed to complement that of Dr Thomas on the numeral systems of Mexico and Central America; and the two papers combine to illumine in a useful way certain puzzling problems by which the ethnologic stu dent is constantly confronted. NUMERAL SYSTEMS OF MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA The researches of the last two decades have shown clearly that primitive arts arise in symbolism, develop through con- ventioiiism, and mature in a combined realism and idealism far -beyond the grasp of primitive peoples. Thé researches of the last lustrum have shown similarly that primitive industries are shaped by symbolism and developed through conventioii- isin. Several of the accompanying papers indicate likewise that primitive society is shaped and established largely by symbolic motives, and is developed through conventional sys tems of remarkable strength and persistence; and Dr Thomas's ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XLV paper on numeral systems, in conjunction with Mr McGee's paper on primitive numbers, renders it clear that primitive numbers were symbolic at least in considerable measure before they acquired the conventional character by which they are distinguished throughout more advanced culture. The earlier steps in the development of numeral systems among the American aborigines are naturally obscure, since most, or all, of the tribes had risen to the conventional use of numbers before their discovery by white men; accordingly Dr Thomas's discussions relate mainly to the methods of com pounding numbers into systems indicated by etymologic and other associations. His tables and discussions well illustrate the closeness of the connection between the quinary and decimal bases and the vigesimal basis which attained so great promi nence among some of the more southerly tribes of North America; they also bring out, in connection with the researches of McGee and Gushing, the close relation between these regu lar systems and those irregular systems in which 2 + 1,4 + 1, and 6 + 1 form the bases, and in which the mystical numbers 7, 9, 13, 49, etc., play prominent rôles. The tabulations are especially noteworthy in demonstrating the essential similarity of the number systems of various tribes ranging from the sedentary groups of the Pacific coast to the nomadic groups of the interior, through the settled peoples of the pueblos, and up to the codex-makers of Mexico and Yucatan. The possible applications of this study of aboriginal num bers are many ; one of the most important of these is found in connection with the calendric systems of the Mexican and Mayan tribes, some of which are described in another paper appended to this report. TUSAYAN FLUTE AND SNAKE CEREMONIES Much attention has been devoted by the Bureau to research among the pueblo peoples; and no line of the research has been more assiduously pursued than that relating to the sophic activities so liighly developed among the tribes of the arid pueblo region. The accompanying memoir by Dr Fewkes illustrates the nature and objects of the work; it presents a clear picture f \ XL VI BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XL VII \ of the observances of one of the most devotional peoples known to students. While Dr Fewkes' record is based wholly on his own recent observations, it is significant as an extension and corroboration of notes made by me many years ago, and warrants the presen tation of a summary of these notes. In the winter of 1868-69 I was encamped on White river, in what was then the territory of Colorado, not far from the Utah line. During the time a tribe of Utes lived near our camp ground, and I utilized the opportunity to study their language, together with their habits, customs, ceremonies, and opinions.. It was during this winter that I obtained the first concept of the Amerind fraternity, or, as I "called it at that time, the cult society, which is an incorporated body whose function it is to prevent and cure diseases, or to secure any good or prevent any evil which may come to man through any agency of nature. Thus it is the function of the frater nity to control the weather and the seasons, to secure abundant fruits, to secure the rainfall upon which they depend, to secure abundant game, and all the other things of nature upon which the welfare of men are contingent. The cult society, or frater nity, or phratry, or curia (for by all of these names it has been known), has an ecclesiastic or religious motive which distin guishes it from the clan and gens which have a sociologie motive. Subsequently I investigated the nature of these fraternities as they are developed among the tribes in southern Utah and northern Arizona, and in 1870 I went from Kanab, in southern Utah, eastward across the Colorado river to the province of Tusayau—the seven villages on the rocks—Zufii, and other pueblos in Arizona and New Mexico. But I especially lin gered in Tusayan to investigate the fraternities of the Hopi people, who constitute six of the seven tribes of that region. The language of these people belongs to the Shoshoiiian stock and is somewhat closely allied to that of the Ute and Paiute of Colorado and Utah, whose languages I had pre viously studied. I had with me a Mormon missionary, who had spent much time in Hopi villages ; and a slight knowledge of the language of the people of these villages was the more speedily gained, because I had previously studied other lan guages of the same stock, so that although my stay here was only about two months, by hard labor and by the aid of the Mormon missionary I obtained quite an insight into the nature of the Hopi fraternities. Particularly was I impressed by one of the ceremonies at Shumopavi, though I witnessed others at different Hopi towns. I never returned to this study of these fraternities, though I subsequently visited these pueb los; but I never forgot their existence nor neglected to provide for their investigation to the extent of such agencies as I could command. I first sent Mr Cushing to Zuñi to make a study of its inter esting people, and he brought back a wealth of material. I.was also the means of securing the detail of Dr Matthews as medical officer at Fort Defiance. Dr Matthews had studied at Hidatsa, and now he not only studied the language of the Navaho, but he also made a study of then- fraternities or reli gious cults, an investigation which again revealed his genius as an ethnologist. Subsequently, as Director of the Bureau of Ethnology, I sent Mrs Matilda Coxe Stevenson to Zuñi, and then to Sia, on Jemez river. In both of these places she made a careful and elaborate study of the fraternities of the people. A part of the material collected by her has already been published, and a larger part is now practically ready for the press, and in it all she makes a great contribution to our knowledge of tribal peoples. At the same time Mr J. N. B. Hewitt, who had been an assistant of Mrs Erminiiie Smith, a collaborator of the Bureau among the Iroquois Indians, continued her work as an inde pendent investigator after her death. He studied the lan guage of the people under great advantages, being himself an Iroquois who had obtained a good knowledge of linguistics as an English scholar. He also has studied the fraternities of the Iroquois and has gained a wealth of knowledge about them. Mr James Mooiiey has given much attention to the same sub ject while studying the Cherokee, and especially while collect ing the material for his volume on the Ghost-dance religion. *>, \ \ XLVIII BUBEAU OF AMEBTCAN ETHNOLOGY About this time Mr J. Owen Dorsey, first a missionary and then an assistant in the Bureau of Ethnology, studied the reli gious cults of the Ponka Indians and other tribes related to them, and collected a great body of valuable material about them. I must not in this place forget to mention the brilliant work of Miss Alice Fletcher in this same field—the tribal fraternities of the Amerinds. She has already published much material on the subject, and is preparing a great monograph on one of the fraternities of Pawnee. Dr J. Walter Fewkes some years ago was appointed ethnol ogist in the Bureau and sent among the Tusayan people espe cially for the purpose of studying their religious cults. From these expeditions he has returned with a very large body of material relating to the Hopi fraternities, with a deep insight into their characteristics, and witli a wealth of illustration which enables him to set forth the subject in a manner which is simple, clear, and forceful. Early in the last decade Mr Gushing, Mrs Stevenson, and Dr Fewkes each prepared a model of an altar, with its para phernalia of worship, one of which (that by Mr Gushing) was put on exhibition at ' the Chicago Quadrennial Exposition. These models are still in the United States National Museum. Subsequently other altars were prepared under Dr Dorsey's direction for the Field Columbian Museum in Chicago. Thus we already have made a fair beginning in the study and repre sentation as museum models of the altars of the Pueblo tribes and their symbolism. Some of the important contributions to this subject by Dr Fewkes are published with this report, and in connection with these I take occasion to publish the illustration which I pre pared in 1870 of an altar which I saw used,in a ceremony at Shumopovi, as the first one prepared for the Bureau of Ethnol ogy. I can not now give a complete account of this cere mony, nor can I give a complete account of the symbolism represented upon the altar; I can only set forth that which I learned at the time. Nor can I affirm that the illustration is perfect. I secured much of the paraphernalia of the altar and brought tlrem with me to Washington, and I also got such ADMINISTBATIVE BEPOBT XLIX explanations of them as I could obtain through my imperfect knowledge of the language and through my interpreter, the Mormon missionary. The artist who made the original drawing in colors had to depend upon the paraphernalia of the altar which I brought with me, together with my notes on their arrangement. The original drawing, made in oil on canvas, has been reproduced in color. An exact duplicate of this altar has not been seen by Dr Fewkes, but only something like it. He identifies it as an altar of the Owakulti fraternity. When I prepared the notes for the illustration I did not then under stand that the fraternities, like the clans, gentes, tribes, and confederacies, have totems; for totemism is a system of insti tutional naming. A clan is an organized group of persons who reckon kinship through females from an ancestral mother, real or eponymous; it has well-defined rights and duties. A gens is an organized group of people having a unit of government and who reckon kinship through males from an ancestral father, real or eponymous; it has well-defined rights and duties. A tribe is a group of clans in what we call savagery, and a group of gentes in what we call barbarism, and the bond of organization is the marriage tie. A confederacy is a group of tribes organized for purposes of offense and defense ; the bond by which they are held together is that of artificial or conventional kinship, the tribes sometimes being considered as elder and younger brothers, or fathers and sons, or uncles and nephews. The clan and the gens represent two methods of organizing families into a higher or larger group, but gentile organization replaces clan organization. A tribe is an organization of clans or gentes. A confederacy is an organization of tribes. A clan or gens is composed of persons related by consanguinity, except in cases where individuals are adopted into families. A tribe is composed of persons related by affinity. A con federacy is composed of tribes of persons who by conven tion or treaty agree that the members of one tribe shall address the members of another by some kinship term. 19 ΕΤΗ—01- -IV 1 \ „ / \ \ / •à. \ L BUEEAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY Now, all of these governmental units, families, clans or gentes, tribes, and confederacies have peace within or war without as the fundamental motive for organization. On the other hand the fraternities have the control of good and evil as presented in nature for their fundamental motive. It is thus that a fraternity is a religious body with an ecclesiastic government. On the other hand fraternities are organized by constituting certain persons priests and by dividing the functions of the society among the members. The priests are called fathers when they are men, and mothers when they are women, and the laity call one another brothers and, sisters. This custom is the same in tribal society and in civilization. Sometimes the fam ily terms of kinship are not only father and mother, son and daughter, elder brother and elder sister, younger brother and younger sister, but the relation of uncle and aunt, nephew and niece may be recognized. I have elsewhere described the meaning of the symbols on the altar here shown and will now repeat what I then said: The festival to which I am now to refer was continued through sev eral days. At one time the shaman and the members of the shaman- istic society over which he presided were gathered in a kiva, or under ground assembly hall, where midnight prayers were made for abundant crops. On this occasion the customary altar was arranged with the paraphernalia of worship. Among other things were wooden tablets on which were painted the conventional picture-writings for clouds and lightning, below which were the conventional signs of raindrops, and below the raindrops the conventional signs for growing corn. In order more fully to understand these picture-writings we will mention some of the other objects placed on the altar. There were wooden birds, painted and placed on perches; there was an ewer of water about which ears of com were placed; there was a case of jewels—crystals of quartz, fragments of turquoise, fragments of car- nelian, and small garnets; then there was a bowl of honey upon the holy altar. When the shaman prayed he asked that the next harvest might be abundant like the last; he prayed that they might have corn of many colors like the corn upon the altar; he prayed that the corn might be ripened so as to be hard like the jewels upon the altar; he prayed that the corn might be sweet like the honey upon the altar; he prayed that the com might be abundant for men and birds, and that the birds might be glad, for the gods loved the birds represented upon ADMINISTEATIVE KEPOET LI the altar as they love men. Then he prayed that the clouds would form like the clouds represented upon the altar, and that the clouds would flash lightning like the lightning on the altar, and that the clouds would rain showers like the showers represented on the altar, and that the showers would fall upon the growing corn like the corn upon the altar—so that men and birds and all living things would rejoice. The above was written about thirty years after this scene was witnessed and under circumstances where my notes and the illustration were inaccessible, and I now find that I have fallen into a trivial error in the description. The so-called honey was "honeydew" held in a basket-tray. After examining the painting described above Dr Fewkes writes : In seeking to identify from the painting the altar figured by Major Powell, it has been necessary for me to rely on general, rather than special, features. In these latter particulars the painting represents an altar which differs from any which I have studied, but there are cer tain general characters which would eliminate from our consideration the majority of Hopi altars and refer it definitely to that of a woman's fraternity of basket dancers known as the Owakülti. The altar of this fraternity is characterized by the relatively large size of the upright part composed of numerous vertical wooden slats, the majority of which rest on the floor, but more especially by effigies of birds and butterflies mounted on pedestals surrounding a medi cine bowl. Both of these features are found in the painting. The plate represents the interior of a kiva or sacred room devoted to ceremonies, the entrance being an opening in the roof. The fire place is in the middle of the floor and near it are specimens of the straight-stem pipes, ancient types of these objects among the Hopi. At the left-hand or west end of the room are seen the uprights of the altar consisting of flat wooden slats upon which various symbols are depicted. The group of men in the middle of the picture are seated about a cubic object into the cavity of which one of their number is blowing tobacco smoke. This cubic object is a medicine bowl and the smoke is symbolic of the rain cloud. This episode occurs among many other rites in making the medicine by the Owakülti and various other Hopi fraternities. The ears of corn arranged radially from this medicine bowl are of different colors; they represent the four world-quarters, the zenith and the nadir, the colors corresponding to these directions. The effigies mounted on pedestals, alternating with these radially placed ears of corn, represent birds and butterflies. The Owakülti altar is the only one known to rne having similar objects with like arrangement; a fact \ \ 0 \ \ & Illllff.., LU BUREAU OF AMEBICAK ETHNOLOGY which has been mainly relied on in the identification of the altar. The same symbols are depicted on these upright slats as are found on the two altars of this society which I have studied. They are symbols of lightning in the form of serpents, rain clouds, maize, various aquatic animals, and one or more cult-heroes. The number, form, and arrangement of these slats with symbols are likewise characteristic, resembling that of the Owakulti, but differing from those of other Hopi altars. The presence of women iii the kiva and the prominence on the wall of basket-trays or plaques likewise suggest a basket dance in which women participate. The paucity of clothing as shown in the painting is interesting, showing that formerly the Hopi women in their secret rites divested themselves of most of their apparel. This custom still survives among the male priests, to which sex, however, it is now limited. There are probably five different Owakulti altars inTusayan—one at Oraibi, one at Sichumovi, and three at the Middle mesa. If properly identified as an Owakulti altar this painting represents one of the three latter, which would account for some differences between it and the two former, of which I have good kodak photographs. Conversation regarding the public exhibition which occurred at the time this altar was observed by Major Powell has developed the fact that it was a woman's basket dance, in which basket-plaques are thrown among the spectators, who struggle for their possession. There are two of these public dances, called the Lalakonti and the Owakulti, which closely resemble each other. The altar of the former is too widely aberrant from the painting to be considered. The plate does not represent a Lalakonti altar and there thus remains by elimination only the identification indicated above. A peculiar and unique interest is attached to this representation, as it was the first painting or figure of a Hopi altar made by a white man. From it dates an ever increasing interest of the objective symbolism of the Hopi, and a scientific treatment of the study of their ceremo nials. THE WILD RICE GATHEREBS OF THE UPPER LAKES Contrary to a superficial but widespread notion, the Ameri can aborigines subsisted in large part on vegetal products, many of the tribes being essentially agricultural. Even the nonagricultural tribes made considerable use of wild grains, fruits, berries, roots, and other plant products; and these were often systematically prepared as comestibles either separately or 'in conjunction with meats, fish, etc. The first in impor tance among aboriginal plant foods was maize, or corn, a plant ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LUI indigenous in central Mexico but cultivated and distributed over the greater part of the American hemisphere during pre- Columbian times. Prominent among the noncultivated plants was that known as wild rice (Zizania, of two species), which grew extensively in the swamps and about the margins of the lakes left by the Pleistocene ice sheet in central North America; and several tribes learned to harvest, store, and utilize the natural crop yielded annually by this plant. Hitherto the knowledge concerning the use of wild rice by the aborigines has been vague; but in 1898 Dr Albert Ernest Jenks, an advanced student in the University of Wisconsin, undertook to systemize the knowledge by bringing together the refer ences to the use of wild rice scattered through the early and rare literature pertaining to the aborigines of this region. As the work progressed, his interest grew, and he instituted inquiries concerning the use of the plant by surviving tribes men in modern times; and when the results of his work were brought to the attention of the Bureau, he was commissioned to extend his field operations into northern Wisconsin and Minnesota, where the wild-rice crop is still harvested annually. The accompanying memoir is the product of Dr Jenks's re searches in the literature and in the field. As is shown by the descriptions and illustrations, wild rice gathering is a well developed industry, playing an important rôle in the ceremonial and ritualistic life of the tribesmen, as well as in their domestic economy, though the ritualistic features of the harvesting and preparation of the crop have so far fallen into desuetude as to be traceable rather through vestiges than through conspicuous observances. A notable feature of the industry is the careful forethought given to the harvesting, as shown by the elaborate processes and devices adopted to pro tect the grain from birds, as well as from loss by storms, etc.; and this foresight, which is comparable to that of civilized agriculture, is brought into the greater prominence by reason of the almost total neglect of seeding, or of other devices (save those of magical character) for the preservation of the plant and the maintenance of the important natural resource which it represents. Doubtless the unwitting processes of harvesting % \ ιΓ \- \ \ \ \ LIV BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY have reacted on the character and life-history of the plant, probably in such wise as to improve the quality of the grain and to increase the quantity of the crop ; yet the unconscious cultivation has been no less destitute of intent and purpose than that of the farmer ant of the arid plains. Dr Jeiiks properly calls attention to the potential value of wild rice to modern peoples of advanced culture. Should this natural product come into the general use to which it seems adapted, it will add another to the many debts of Caucasian to Indian. mill ESTHETOLOGY, OR THE SCIENCE OF ACTIVITIES DESIGNED TO GIVE PLEASURE In previous reports the five grand classes of human activities have been set forth as those connected with pleasures, indus tries, institutions, languages, and opinions. These pentalogic activities give rise to five sciences, which have been designated as esthetology, technology, sociology, philology, and sophi- ology. In order that the nature of these sciences may be made clearer, it becomes necessary to consider them severally; and I now propose to define the science of esthetology by showing what is included therein as the subject-matter of the activities is classified. It should be kept in mind that the clas sification is general, and is equally applicable to primitive peoples like the American aborigines and to more advanced peoples. Therefore illustrations are drawn from higher culture as well as from lower. GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS Qualities arise out of the properties of bodies when they are considered in relation to human purposes. To understand this declaration it is necessary to consider the essentials of properties and qualities and carefully to note the distinction between them. The essentials of the properties are unity, extension, speed, persistence, and consciousness, which under relations give rise to properties that can be measured, which are designated as quantities. These quantities are number, space, motion, time, and judgment. Number is many in one, and the enumeration of the many is the measuring of the number contained in the sum, which is a unity. Number, therefore, is many in one. LVI BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LVII The second quantity is space; its essential is extension, but many extensions give rise to relative position, and the positions can be measured. Hence extension and position constitute space, and space is a quantity that can be measured. Speed is the essential of motion, but the same particle in motion traverses a path. Motion, therefore, is speed and path, and can be measured in terms of space. Speed and path con stitute motion. Therefore time is a quantity. The essential of time is persistence, but the relation of time is change; a portion of time from one change to another may be measured. Thus persistence and change constitute time, and time is a quantity. The essential of judgment is consciousness of self. Its rela tion to others is inference about others. When consciousness is aroused by another, and hy inference a judgment is piO- duced of that other, it can be measured. If I judge that there are eight others, I can measure that judgment by counting the others. The judgment is measured by comparing it with the fact. If I judge of a distance, I can measure this judgment by measuring the distance, and the judgment is measured by the fact. If I judge of the rate of a motion or the distance which a body moves, I can measure this rate or distance and by comparing the judgment with the fact I obtain a measure ment of the judgment. If I judge of the lapse of time and then measure this" lapse, the judgment may be measured by the fact. As the essentials are developed into mathematical properties called quantities, so again the quantities are developed by incor poration into classific properties or, simply, properties. In this development number becomes class, unity becomes kind, and plurality becomes mass. The kind is constant as long as the body is constant, but the mass is variable. When space becomes form, then extension becomes indi viduality and mass becomes structure. The individuality is constant as long as the body is constant, but the structure is variable. When motion becomes energy, then speed becomes inertia and path becomes velocity. Inertia is constant, but velocity is variable. When time becomes causation, then persistence becomes state and change becomes event. The state is constant as long as the body is constant; the event is variable. When judgment becomes conception, then consciousness be comes memory and choice becomes inference. Memory is con stant as long as the body is constant, but inference is variable. Quantities and properties are reciprocal. Number is the same thing as class. We call it number when we consider the particles of which the body is composed. We call it class when we consider the body which they compose. For exam ple, here are ten hollow cylinders. Organize them into a body and they become a gas stove. By their organization a new kind of body is developed. Hollow cylinders become a stove, though the cylinders remain cylinders. In like manner space and form are reciprocal, motion and energy are reciprocal, time and causation are reciprocal, and, finally, judgment and conception are reciprocal. . Number, space, motion, time, and judgment are quantities that can be measured. Kind, form, energy, causation, and consciousness are properties that can be classified. The quan tities that can be measured and the properties that can be clas sified are the same things considered from different standpoints ; that is, one is the reciprocal of the others. There are still other relations which bodies bear to one another. All the bodies of the universe have relation to human beings, which are good or evil. These relations constitute another grade of relativity and are qualities. The propei-ties give rise to qualities, for every property may produce a quality when it is considered in relation to human purposes. A num ber may be few or many for a purpose. Ten cents may be few if we desire to purchase a dozen oranges, but 10 cents may be many if we desire to purchase but two; yet the property remains the same. A thousand dollars may be few if we desire to purchase a farm, or many if we desire to purchase a coat; but the property remains the same. A pane of glass may be small if we desire to use it in an exhibition window, or it may be large if we desire to use it in a carriage; but the property remains the same. A stone may be small if we use it in the foundation of \ LVIII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY \ \ a house, and it may be large if we wish to throw it as a missile; but the property remains the same. An hour seems a short time when I am thinking about a journey to California, but seems a long time to endure pain; yet the property remains the same. The fall of a spark from a passing engine seems but a trivial cause when I consider the soiling of my garment, but it seems to be an important cause when I consider it as igniting a forest fire; yet the property remains the same. An earthquake seems to produce but a slight effect when I observe it simply as a tremor, but when I consider it in the ruin of a city it appears to have a stupendous effect, though the property remains the same. I see a man slyly approaching a wall, and believe him to be a thief, and I have a judgment of evil; if I know that he intends to scale the wall in. defense of his country I believe him to be patriotic and brave; thus the same act may be cowardly and vile or patriotic and brave from different points of view. Properties belong to things in themselves, but qualities exist in the mind as properties are viewed in relation to human designs. Qualities are relations, and the terms of the relation are properties on the one hand and purposes on the other. Now, we can not expunge either of these terms without expung ing the relation. We may not overtly consider the terms, but consider only the relation as an abstraction. Then the terms must be implied, for there is no quality unless there is an exter nal property and an internal purpose. When properties are considered as qualities in their relation to human purposes the judgments formed are judgments of good and evil. The judg ments which men form of good and evil give rise to a multi tude of human activities which are known as the arts. Those activities which are put forth to secure pleasure and to avoid pain are esthetic arts, and the science of the esthetic arts is esthetology. We discover the properties of things as causes through our senses, and we discover the effect of these properties on. our selves through our feelings. One term of the relation, there fore, is discovered by making intellectual judgments; the other term is discovered by making emotional judgments. ADMINISTRATIVE BEPORT AMBROSIAL PLEASURES LIX Pleasures arise as demotic arts when they are designed to please others—the people. A lad may play ball for his own pleasure; but the professional ball player plays for others, his own immediate purpose being gain or welfare. This distinc tion must be kept in view : Pleasures are first egoistic, but soon become altruistic. When they become altruistic as pleasures they become egoistic as industries. The metabolic sense is the sense of taste and smell, these being varieties of one sense. While yet in the animal state, man leams to enjoy the ambrosial senses in partaking of food and drink and in inhaling the air laden with many particles given off by natural bodies ; but in passing into the human state man invents a multiplicity of devices for making Ms food and drink and the air which he breathes pleasurable. All ambrosial pleasures are developed by experience, but the process of en hancing pleasures has its antithesis in the evolution of pain; hence many pleasures and their antitheses, pains, have been evolved during the historic period. Without entering into a systematic treatment of the subject, it may be well to illustrate this statement as the facts are shown in individual experience and in the history of peoples. When the uninitiated person first attempts to use tobacco in any form it is unpleasant or even loathsome; but gradually by experience he learns to tolerate it and finally to enjoy it. If its use was universal with men, women, and children, it can not be doubted that an hereditary love of tobacco would be devel oped, and thus the taste of tobacco would become innate and the judgment of its pleasant effects would be intuitive. Its extensive use seems to indicate a tendency to an hereditary love of tobacco used in one or another of the customary methods, although the period for which it has been used dates no farther back than the discovery of America. That which we wish to emphasize in this place is that the pleasure derived from the usage is artificial and is developed by experience, and that while new pleasures originate, antithetic pains arise by the development of an appetite which, ungratified, is pain. ' «'Ι ,,ι,ιΐΙ ¿ "&Ά LX BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXI o*l If we contemplate the use of intoxicant beverages, like facts appear, for it is found that pleasures of the inebriating bever age must be developed by experience, and again it is found that the love of these bacchanalian pleasures has a tendency to become hereditary and to engender an appetite that pro duces pain. In the case of alcoholic beverages the tendency to inherit the taste is more fully developed than in the case of tobacco, and the taste has thus certainly become intuitive. The love of the taste of some kinds of food of which man partakes, and with which he has had experience for untold generations, seems to be hereditary and hence intuitive. The pleasure derived from the sipidity of honey, sugar, and juices of fruits is innate from experience dating back to primordial life, for the evidence is at hand that all of these ambrosial pleasures are derived and can easily be lost. Pleasure may easily be transformed into pain. The attar of rose is a pleasant odor intuitive from hereditary experience, yet it is within the experience of the writer that it may become loathsome. Once on a time an epidemic of cholera was carry ing off its victims, and he attended many men, women, and children in the last sad office of life. It was midsummer, and raging heat prevailed, so rosewater was freely used until at last it became disgusting to him and has remained so, although the distaste is gradually wearing away in later years. Thus, when we consider that hereditary and innate pleasures may be transmitted into pains, and that new pleasures may be derived from old pains, the argument for the derivation of pain is in such cases made plain. Ambrosial pleasures and pains are artificial, and no insignificant portion of human activity is occupied in catering thereto. The nature of ambrosial pleasures and pains and the activi ties which arise therefrom have been sufficiently set forth for the purpose of recognizing the group. DECORATIVE PLEASURES In science antithetic meanings are sometimes embraced in one term; thus degrees of plus or minus from a particular datum point are combined and their sum is expressed in one term. This practice will be found convenient in the science of psychology and in all of the sciences of human activities. I shall therefore sometimes speak of pleasure and pain in terms of pleasure, implying the antithetic term pain. Sometiro.es we have a word which has the force of its etymologic significance and also of its antithesis. "Welfare" is a word of this char acter. Pleasures are teleologic; that is, they are potent motives for human activities. There is a group of activities produced by forms which result from pleasures. These may be denominated the pleasures of form from the standpoint of motive, or the arts of decoration from the standpoint of activities. Because there are pleasures of form there are activities of decoration and hence there are arts of decoration. Many activities produce objects solely to gratify the feelings of pleasure. Many activities are induced primarily by other motives and secondarily by pleasure. In the production of these objects, thought and labor are expended over and above the amount necessary to produce the object for utility in order that it may give pleasure, and if it does not give this additional pleasure it gives pain. Decorative activities are often of this character. An ornament may be designed wholly for decora tion, as when jewels are worn; but a garment may have its chief purpose in utility, through a secondary purpose in orna mentation, and the form and color of the garment may be considered as having an importance almost equal to that derived from its utility. Man is rarely content with utility, but he also desires pleas ure from the objects which are produced through his activities. In both classes of endeavor the decorative arts are involved. The decorative arts are arts of form. Architectural structures are designed primarily for a utili tarian purpose, but they are decorated. Vehicles have utili tarian purposes, yet many devices of decoration are used in their construction in order that they may be pleasing. Such illusti-ations serve to show the general nature of the decorative arts. \ Ν \ \ \ LXII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Priniordially form is discovered by the sense of touch; but, with the development of vision, form is interpreted from sym bols of color expressed in hue and tint. The form learned by vision is the form which is first learned by touch, but subse quently interpreted by vision, which assumes, through the agency of experience, that certain arrangements of light imply that the object must have certain adjustment of figure. The light reflected from the object impinges upon the eye and becomes a mark or symbol of the figure as primarily learned by touch; not that the particular object seen is first touched, but that the elements of form which it presents were first dis covered by touch. Thus vision becomes a vicarious sense for touch. Vision is deft, performing not only its fundamental function in the discernment of color, but instantaneously and skillfully it performes all the offices of touch in the discovery of form. Here we have abundant evidence of the derivative nature of the decorative pleasures. By a course of experience, that which in infancy is unattractive, in maturer years becomes pleasurable; but more, that which is beautiful in childhood may become ugly in age. If the appeal is made to individual experience, all will testify to the derivative or evolutional nature of pleasures and pains. The history of decoration is loaded with lessons. That which is beautiful in savagery is unattractive or positively ugly in modern culture, while that which is unattractive among the lower races of man kind may often appear as exquisitely beautiful in higher cul ture. What we especially wish to note is that decorative pleasures and pains become intuitive by hereditary transmis sion, and these intuitive pleasures and pains may be trans formed in the individual and the race. Our judgments of pleasure and pain depend on the point of view from which properties are contemplated. There is nothing in form itself to make it beautiful or ugly, but the form becomes beautiful or ugly through the agency of experience, by which certain forms are found to be desirable or undesirable as the case may be. A constant cognition of such forms will produce a habit of forming judgments of beauty about them which ultimately ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXI1I become intuitive. Color becomes the symbol of form because color is on the surface and is indicative of surface and thus expresses figure; but there is nothing in colors themselves which makes them either beautiful or ugly. Every color is beautiful when it seems appropriate; every color is ugly when it seems inappropriate. Particular colors seem to be particu larly beautiful because we have associated them with particu larly beautiful things, while the very same colors will be considered particularly ugly when they recall things which we conceive to be ugly. Form or the symbol of form is beautiful or ugly only when it produces in the mind that effect by reason of the standpoint of the perceiver—that is, properties have not qualities in themselves, but qualities arise when we consider properties in relation to purposes. With the sense of vision, the human mind, having come to a knowledge of its power in transforming environment by minute increments, gradually so transforms it for the pleasures of decoration. Exercising activities in making artificial trans formations, human beings develop the sense of the beautiful and the ugly in qualities of art and transfer them to the prop erties of nature. In the evolution of decoration everywhere we find that it proceeds by degree of organization—that is, by the differentiation and integration of its elements. This is beautifully illustrated in architecture, where a monotonous multiplication of like elements is replaced by figures of differ entiated elements. No longer is a uniform façade recognized as beautiful, but a variety of features in a variety of elements must be presented in order that a temple, a mart, an executive building, or a business structure may be considered as a pleas ing example of architecture. Variety is now considered one of the essential elements of beauty. ATHLETIC PLEASURES In the esthetic arts we have to consider the pleasure derived from physical activity. In these arts appeal is made to the muscular sense. The new-born beast and the new-born babe inherit more activity than is demanded for bare existence. Λ Hill ι "mullí LXIV BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXV Subject to the care of its elders, the infant is not called on for industrial activity, for its physical wants are supplied by others. While it is yet gaining its powers for utility, they are trained and expanded for pleasure. So the whelps of the lion play in the jungle, the fawns of the stag are gleeful in the glade, and ladsand lassies are merry when they join in thedance. A controversy has grown up in relation to those athletic plays which are here called sports, for we distinguish sports from another group of plays of which we are to treat hereafter as games. Sports are athletic activities, games are intellectual activities; sports develop from mimicry to rivalry, games develop from dependence on sorcery for success to dependence on skill for success. Now, if we understand the distinction between sports and games we are better prepared to under stand the nature of sports themselves. Sports and games alike are activities, and the distinction which we draw between energy and activity has been set forth in the work to which reference has already been given; but an additional remark has now to be made. Activity is that form of force which is controlled or directed by the mind, while energy is a form of force which is con trolled or directed by another form of force, which is also energy. Energy involves action and passion as well as action and reaction. Action and passion are phenomena of force; action and reaction are phenomena of causation, action being cause and reaction being effect. In energy two or more bodies external to one another impinge upon one another and produce changes in one another. In activity one body has its path directed by the internal collision of its particles; activity is thus inherent only in animal bodies in which metabolism is controlled by the mind in such manner that the body itself may change its own path. The body itself has a degree of freedom to move to and fro in its hierarchal path by its own initiative. A stone can not move from the hill to the valley unless it is acted on by some other external force, when both the external body and the stone itself will have their paths changed; but the animal body may pass from the hill to the valley and back again by its own initiative. Not that it can add energy to itself or subtract energy from itself; it can not create or annihilate motion, but it can direct this motion in a path at will; it can pursue the path of its own choice. All this has been set forth fully in the former work. All activities are controlled by motives, and the motive for sport is pleasure; but it is a pleasure of a particular kind—it is a pleasure in physical activity. Now, we must notice that it is the pleasure of the body whose structure and metabolism are inherited from its ancestors; hence it must be some kind of an activity consistent with the inherited structure. So far, then, the activity is fixed by inheritance, but within these fixed lim its there is still great variety of activities from which to choose. What activity will the infant choose ? Manifestly it will choose that activity which is suggested by its acts of psychosis as they are developed immediately after birth, and perhaps to some extent from prenatal activities which we may not here stop to consider. The first activities which the infant animal observes, if he belongs to any of the higher groups, are the activities of parents. Thus, the infant child makes judgments about parental activities, and, by the law of genesis, first strives to engage in the activities which it sees in the parents. Its wants for food being supplied, the food itself produces, metabolic processes which ramify through its organs in excess of the amount neces sary for digestion. With its inheritance of organization and superabundance of metabolic activity, it is ready to engage in other activities which are first taught by the parent as activi ties of nurture, and the infant is thus led to engage in mimetic activities. Connate with these are the activities of metabolism itself, the seizing, swallowing, and digestion of food; but the additional activities in which it engages are mimetic. Hence it is that a long succession of great scholars have fully appre ciated that sports depend on a superabundance of activity. The plays of childhood are organized gradually to mimic the activities of elders. Kittens are trained by their mothers to play at catching mice, and puppies are trained by their mothers to play in mimic battle. Puppy wolves play at prowl ing, and kitten panthers play at fisticuffs. Kids play in racing, 19 ΕΤΗ—01——ν Lxvr BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY and nestling birds play in mimic flight. This universal instinct for play is exhibited in man through many years, in childhood on well into adult life. Athletic sports are universal alike in tribal and in national society. So sports of mimicry gradually develop into sports of rivalry. Is the pleasure of sports a property of the activity, or is it a quality which depends on the point of view of the person engaged as well as the looker on? It is within the experience of every normal human being that these pleasures grow and decay; but some are ephemeral and pass away in childhood, others pass away in youth, and still others pass away in adult age, while some undeveloped in childhood and scarcely de veloped in youth continue and grow in old age. Appealing to history, we discover that ephemeral pleasures become more ephemeral with advancing culture, while others become more intense by demotic development. The antitheses of pleas ures, which are pains, pass through a like history in the indi vidual and in the race. In all this field of activital pleasures it is discovered that they become intuitive by inherited expe rience, and that pleasures and pains alike are such from the point of view. We are therefore justified in affirming that pleasures and pains are qualities derived from natural proper ties. This may be a stumbling-block, and hence it requires more elaborate consideration. I refer to the pain produced in the body by injury, as in cutting, tearing, concussion, compression, pinching, the stresses and strains produced by inflammation, the lesions of disease, and all the pains known as physical discomforts. Is the pain in the tooth a quality or a property? Is pain in the head a quality or a property? Is the pain from a bullet wound a quality or a property? We have already seen that all other pleasures and pains are derivative in the individual and in the race, arid appear from the point of view. Is this true of physical pain? First, we must consider whether pain is